BISHKEK — Kyrgyzstan’s interim government has issued a decree turning the state-run National Television and Radio Company (KTR) into a public broadcaster to be overseen by an independent board, RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service reports.

Omurbek Tekebaev, a deputy chairman of the interim government, told RFE/RL that turning the station into a public television network is important to show people that the interim government wants to be transparent in its activities.

The decree calls for the establishment of a control board for the station that will be made up of members from nongovernmental organizations and independent journalists. The board will select the managers of the station and regulate its programming.

Creating a public television station was among the first promises the interim government made after it assumed power following clashes between antigovernment protesters and security forces in Bishkek that toppled former President Kurmanbek Bakiev on April 7.

Opposition leaders had called on Bakiev to transform state TV into a public broadcaster after he came to power in 2005, but he resisted those requests.

Acting KTR Director Kubat Otorbaev was the chief of the Bishkek bureau of RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service before the April 7 events.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Kyrgyz_National_TV_And_Radio_Company_To_Be_Public_TV_Station/2029528.ht

I. PECULIARITIES OF POLITICAL, SOCIAL, ADMINISTRATIVE AND LEGAL CLIMATE IN THE COUNTRY DEFINING THE FACTUAL SITUATION IN THE MEDIA

1. Public speeches and statements of superior officials defining the factual situation in the mass media

3 April
Khamid Abdulloev, chairman of Kulyab, Khatlon province

The mayor of Kulyab Khamid Abdulloev held a press conference on the topic “Public property privatized by entrepreneurs in the 1990-s”.

In the course of the press conference, the official reproached journalists for ignoring the issues of privatization. “Less than 30 percent of the 136 privatized objects privatized in the last 20 years are being used properly. The rest of them are fully destroyed. Hundreds of hectares of land are misused, and you, journalists, keep silent!” – he said.

13 April
Gaibullo Avzalov, chairman of Khatlon province

Speaking at an official meeting in Kurgan-Tube, chairman of Khatlon province Gaibullo Avzalov mentioned the lack of attention to the local media. The official said that the authorities might consider a better involvement of the media as an ideological facilitator of the administration at all levels of governance.

Avzalov also mentioned the problem of access to radio and television in Khatlon. The province officials decided to take measures facilitating printing houses and buying modern computers for newspapers. Another issue is improving technical capacities of local broadcasters.

16 April
Nusratullo Abdulloev, chairman of Supreme Court, Dushanbe

“I have no right to make comments on the lawsuit against the private weeklies Farazh, Ozodagon, and Asia Plus”, — said chairman of the Tajik Supreme Court Nusratullo Abdulloev. — “I can only assess a decision of the court and interpret its feasibility and legitimacy”.

21 April
Yuri Popov, Ambassador of Russia to Tajikistan, Dushanbe

“Lately, some of the Tajik media, especially the Tajik-language ones, have published biased stories distortedly depicting the modern Russia”, — said Yuri Popov, Russian Ambassador to Tajikistan. The statement was made at the presentation of a contest “Tajikistan and Russia: historical roots of friendship and cooperation and a glance into the future”. The event was organized by the Russian Institute of Eurasian Studies. Popov added that such publications sadden the moral and psychological background of the Tajik-Russian relations.

2. Factual status of the media and freedom of speech

16 April
Asadullo Rakhmonov, chairman of the TV & Radio Committee under the Government

A new digital transmitter is installed in Tajikistan. Asadullo Rakhmonov, chairman of the Tajik TV & Radio Committee under the government told the media that the transmitter will ensure digital broadcasting of all four government channels – Shabakai Avval, Safina, Jahonnamo, and Bakhoriston. Rakhmononv added that in terms of quality of the signal, the digital broadcasting within the country is 25 percent better than the satellite broadcasting.

The cost of the new transmitter is about $300 thousand. It was delivered from Europe. Its capacity is sufficient for broadcasting of eight TV channels.

30 April
All media, Dushanbe

On 30 April, the International Association of Persian-language Journalists l“Afrouz” held a round table in Dushanbe on the topic “Political and economic problems, issues of security and legal support to Tajik journalists”. The event was supported by the Tajik Union of Journalists. It was dedicated to the International Free Press Day.

Professor of the Tajik National University Irshod Sulaimoni told participants about political and economic problems of the Tajik journalism. Among them were the following: licensing problems among broadcasting media, litigations against printing media, impact of the global economic crisis, lack of efficient mechanisms for dissemination of media products.

The round table was attended by media professionals, representatives of Tajik political parties and international organizations.

3. Journalists protecting their civil and professional rights

21 April
All media, Dushanbe

The British Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) launched a contest on the best coverage of the human rights protection issues in the media. The contest is being carried out within the framework of the project “Protection of human rights and legal education in Central Asia” financed by the European Commission.

Media professionals working for printing media, photographers and online journalists are eligible for the contest. Contestants must present 3 analytical articles or extended reports relevant to the topic, or not less than 3 photo reportages (10 or more pictures in each).

II. VIOLATION OF RIGHTS IN THE MEDIA

1. Obstruction of professional activities

21 April
Fattokh Saidov, director of the State Finance Control and Anticorruption Agency

“The lawsuit of the Ministry of Agriculture against the Millat weekly is ungrounded”, — said Fattokh Saidov, director of the State Finance Control and Anticorruption Agency.

“We have comprehensively studied the publication in the Millat, and I can say with confidence that all facts in this article are true. Moreover, these facts were given to journalists by our Agency”, — added Saidov.

The official said that the Anticorruption Agency sent a letter to the Ministry of Agriculture confirming the veracity of facts in the article.

27 April
Asia Plus, Farazh, Ozodagon, Dushanbe

On 27 April, managers of three Tajik weeklies – Asia Plus, Farazh, and Ozodagon – passed a claim letter to the Tajik Supreme Court with a demand to confute the statements in the article written judges of this judicial institution.

The letter was prepared in accordance with the Supreme Court’s resolution #8 issued in 1992. The Tajik newspapers demand confutation of a number of statements made in publications since they are in contrary to facts and affect their business reputation.

2. Ungrounded limitation of access to information

3 April
All media, Kulyab, Khatlon province

Correspondent of the NANSMIT monitoring service Turko Dikaev told the Asia Plus news agency that the health authorities in Khatlon province have introduced “elements of preliminary censorship”. According to the journalist, health officials are allowed to share only figures and facts that have been fully verified at the level of the Ministry of Health.

2. Violation of licensing in TV & radio broadcasting

27 April
Russian 201-st motorized division, Dushanbe

“The Russian 201-st motorized division deployed in Tajikistan should acquire a broadcasting license to rebroadcast programs of the Russian federal ORT channel in the country”, — said Olimjon Boboev, Minister of Transport and Communications at a press conference on 27 April.

The official said that Tajikistan does not have any problems with broadcasting frequencies, and the Russian military facility could broadcast whenever it wishes, but on the licensing basis. “At present, according to the inter-government agreement, the ORT channel can cover only the territory of the military base”, — he added.

III. CONFLICTS. VIOLATIONS INCRIMINATED TO THE MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS

1. Protection of honor, dignity and business reputation

2 April
Farazh, Ozodagon, Asia Plus – private weeklies, Dushanbe

Amriddin Safoyev, judge of the Sino district court in Dushanbe has partially granted the motion made by the defendant, Solijon Juraev. Juraev is a lawyer, and his co-defendants in this case are three periodicals – Rarazh, Ozodagon, and Asia Plus. Three judges from the Tajik Supreme Court accused the newspapers and the judge of preconception and corruption.

Hearings on this case have been adjourned several times, and this time, the judge took a recess, having partially granted the motion of Juraev in the part where he requires to consider his official appeals to the Ombudsmen and Prosecutor General.

The court is going to make relevant inquiries to the instances in question; however, it says that the lawyer’s demands to terminate the process are groundless.

This report is based on compiled materials from the media and private information presented by correspondents of the NANSMIT Monitoring Network

Coordinator of the Monitoring Service
Abdufattokh Vokhidov

Project Manager
Nuriddin Karshibayev

TASHKENT — The trial began today of prominent Uzbek sports journalist Khairulla Khamidov and 14 others charged with activities associated with a banned Islamic group, RFE/RL’s Uzbek Service reports.

The trial is taking place in Gulbakhor, a town near Tashkent. The defendants are charged with «organizing or actively participating in a banned social or religious group» and «production and distribution of literature threatening social order and security.»

Khamidov, 34, is well known in Uzbekistan for his popular Islamic radio program, his work as a soccer commentator, and his poetry. His arrest in January sparked an unusually strong wave of protest in Uzbekistan.

He and the other defendants could be given five-year jail sentences if found guilty.

The trial is being held behind closed doors and all roads from Tashkent to Gulbakhor are being controlled by police, RFE/RL reports.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Prominent_Uzbek_Sports_Journalists_Trial_Opens/2028062.html

The websites of two Kazakh opposition newspapers became inaccessible to Internet users in Kazakhstan today, RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service reports.

«Respublika» chief editor Anastasiya Novikova and «Golos Respubliki» editor Tatyana Trubacheva told journalists in Almaty that their sites are available only through proxy servers. They said people using the state KazakhTeleCom as their Internet service provider are unable to access them.

The editors said the disruption of accessibility to their websites is politically motivated. The two newspapers have since started placing all of their online content on the newspapers’ pages on the social networking website Facebook.

Tamara Kaleeva is the chairwoman of the Almaty-based nongovernmental organization Adil Soz, which monitors the media and journalists rights in Kazakhstan. She said that although KazakhTeleCom is trying to convince rights activists and journalists that the lack of access to the two websites is a technical problem, «it is clear that the whole situation is connected to the content that is published in the newspapers.»

The two publications are known for publishing articles critical of the government.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Websites_Of_Independent_Kazakh_Newspapers_Inaccessible_/2028500.html

DUSHANBE — Wednesday, April 28, 2010 — Several non-state, Tajik newspapers are being attacked by influential representatives of Tajikistan’s judicial power.

The attacks, organized by the Tajik Supreme Court, have raised concerns among the country’s media and diplomatic communities.

The attacks concern the demands of two Tajik Supreme Court judges and a Dushanbe city court judge — Nur Nurov, Ulugbek Makhmadshoev and Fakhriddin Dodometov respectively — that three, private, weekly newspapers pay them $1.2 million (5.5 Somoni) for printing comments the judges say have defamed their honor, dignity and business reputations. They are demanding the compensation for “moral damage.”

Specifically, their complaints concern comments made by lawyer Solejon Juraev at a conference late last year during which Juraev is reported to have said that Nurov had violated defendants’ rights and that a verdict in his court was unjust.

The papers, which include Farazh, Ozodagon and Asia Plus, printed Juraev’s comments but say they did not print editorial opinions about them.

The judge’s lawsuits may lead to the closure of the papers and some consider the suits to be a tool for a “financial killing” of the news outlets.

Daily newspapers disappeared in Tajikistan the early 1990s, right after the beginning of the protracted civil war. Ever since, there have been only weekly newspapers, which, time after time, have had a difficult time covering the news as a result of too few financial and human resources.

In recent years, the authorities have also closed down many non-state papers and private printing facilities. Observers have noted that the closures mainly occur on the eve of political elections. The phenomenon has been recorded in detail in numerous reports issued by international security organizations and human rights watchdog groups.

“Such persecutions force editors and journalists to apply tough self-censorship in fear of punishment or closure of their outlets,” Lidia Isamova, a Tajik media expert told Central Asia Newswire (CAN).

Many international organizations and media communities – both local and foreign – have expressed concern about the situation. Media experts say such attacks on non-state media limit freedom of speech and expression and increase self censorship among Tajik journalists.

“Persecution of citizens, in particular, rights advocates, who use their constitutional freedoms, criticizing the judicial and executive powers, as well as the application of punitive measures against those who freely express their opinions, contradicts the democratic principles and damages Tajikistan’s reputation,” reads the public statement issued by the Tajik Union of Journalists in April.

Last week, editors of the three papers issued a joint statement complaining about violations of the Tajik law by the judges. Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of the Tajik National Association of Independent Media (NANSMIT) told CAN that the Tajik Supreme Court ignores statements made by defendants and codefendants.

“The NANSMIT monitoring service closely watches the hearings, and we clearly see numerous violations of legal procedures,” Karshibaev said.

And in a March 30 press release from the U.S. Embassy in Dushanbe, Ambassador Kenneth Gross said, “We are very concerned with freedom of press here in Tajikistan. And what we are hoping for is the court case validates the freedom of press here.

«It is extremely important in any country that the press has the opportunity to report freely what happens, without any restrictions, threats, or punishments through judicial means or otherwise, and we are here today to observe and see what happens in court. Hopefully, the court will uphold the principle of freedom of press.”

For its side of the dispute, Nusratullo Abdulloev, chairman of the Tajikistan Supreme Court speaking at a press conference 19 April in Dushanbe, told the media he was unable to comment on the legal actions against the three Tajik newspapers which are currently being decided.

“I can only evaluate the validity and legitimacy of the court’s verdict when it is made,” he said.

Konstantin Parshin, http://www.centralasianewswire

Источник: http://www.centralasianewswire.com/viewstory.aspx?id=471

Could the recent political upheaval that brought down Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiev have a domino effect on other countries in Central Asia?

It’s a question that is being asked in the region in the wake of Kyrgyzstan’s bloody antigovernment demonstrations earlier this month.

The events have been portrayed as a wake-up call to other Central Asian leaders, lest their citizens follow the example set in neighboring Kyrgyzstan. And there are ample similarities between Kyrgyzstan and its fellow Central Asian states to give credence to the suggestion.

The five Central Asian countries all come under criticism in varying degrees over constraints on political freedoms, government pressure on independent media, and free speech. Nepotism and corruption, two key ingredients behind the Kyrgyz unrest, are common complaints across the region.

In Kyrgyzstan, the wave of discontent over Bakiev’s appointment of his children, siblings, and other relatives to key official posts eventually swept his government away. In an ironic twist, it was virtually the same wave Bakiev himself rode to power five years before, when his predecessor, Askar Akaev, was ousted as a result of the Tulip Revolution.

Family Factor

Elsewhere in Central Asia — with the exception of Turkmenistan, where tribal politics reign — members of presidential families control major businesses, banks, and wield enormous influence in politics.

In Uzbekistan, Gulnara Karimova is often touted as a potential successor to her president father, Islam Karimov. The first daughter enjoys a life of fame as a European-based fashion designer, and riches due to her reputed control of the company Zeromax, which oversees a wide range of oil and gas businesses in Uzbekistan.
In Kazakhstan, President Nursultan Nazarbaev’s second daughter, Dinara Kulibaeva, has immense influence over the resource-rich country’s energy sphere along with her husband, Timur Kulibaev, one of the country’s richest men.

In Tajikistan, Rustam Emomali, President Emomali Rahmon’s eldest son, recently made his political debut by gaining a seat on Dushanbe city council, sparking speculation that he is being groomed for the presidency.

In the weeks leading up to the Kyrgyz uprising, citizens became increasing vocal in expressing their belief that the presidential family was expanding its influence and wealth as a result of corruption, while the rest of the country struggled with poverty.

Such sentiments can also be found among ordinary people throughout Central Asia, who often feel their respective governments leave them to deal with poverty, unemployment, and lack of opportunities on their own.

Lack Of Organized Opposition

Many analyses and commentaries published after the Kyrgyz unrest predicted it wouldn’t be long before people would be demonstrating against their leaders in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and elsewhere in the region.

«The poverty, corruption, and harsh economic conditions that bred resentment in Kyrgyzstan are also present in abundance in neighboring states,» read a passage from an article posted on eurasia.net on April 21. «None of [Central Asian leaders] can rule out turmoil at home.»

But while a number of similar ingredients can be found in Kyrgyzstan and its neighbors, this doesn’t mean they will bring about the same result.

While Kyrgyzstan exhibited signs of a nascent democracy for years — for example, it is the only country in the region in which the opposition has a parliamentary faction — the powers that be in the other Central Asian states have maintained a much tighter grip.
The parliament in Uzbekistan, for example, is filled by ruling party members and their colleagues from other pro-government groups. Turkmenistan still practices a one-party system. In Kazakhstan, all parliamentary seats belong to the pro-presidential Nur Otan party.

Tajikistan’s opposition Islamic Renaissance Party officially held onto its two parliamentary seats following a February election. But for years, even though one of its two legislators was terminally ill and bed-ridden, it wasn’t allowed to replace him with another candidate.

Tajik political analyst Sabur Vahhob says that, compared to Kyrgyzstan, the other Central Asian states lack strong opposition figures. «There aren’t experienced political [opposition] leaders, capable of gathering people around themselves,» he says. «People need a leader whom they can trust, but we can’t see such personalities yet.»

Loyal Security Teams

In addition, while Bakiev’s government in recent years took steps to clamp down on independent media and imprison opposition leaders, it remained the only country in the region where people enjoyed relative freedom to hold antigovernment protests. Bakiev himself, speaking from exile in Minsk last week, implied he didn’t see anything wrong in demonstrations taking place.

Governments across Central Asia have been criticized for restricting political freedom and persecuting their political opponents.

Perhaps the harshest example in recent years came in Uzbekistan, when a rare public demonstration in the eastern town of Andijon in 2005 was brutally suppressed by government forces who fired into the crowd. The government claims 187 people, including police, were killed in the violence, but rights groups say several hundred protesters were killed. Hundreds fled the country following the crackdown, fearing imprisonment.

A key difference between Bakiev and other Central Asian leaders can be found in the people surrounding them. Most of regional leaders have taken firm control over key ministries — security, defense, and interior — by appointing close allies. Even at the level of middle management in the security and law enforcement agencies, only those most loyal to the presidential office can be found.

Bakiev, on the other hand, placed a sibling in charge of the elite presidential guard, but was at odds with his defense minister and onetime ally, Ismail Isakov, whom he eventually imprisoned.

Nervous Silence

The minimal coverage of Kyrgyz events by state-run media in Central Asia is indicative of the efforts taken in the region to prevent any carryover effect. Official media in all Central Asian countries have downplayed the scope and significance of the Kyrgyz events, while the Turkmen media has completely ignored them.
No Central Asian leader has officially recognized the interim government in Bishkek. But that does not mean the events have gone unnoticed by the governments of Central Asia.

When the unrest in Kyrgyz began to unfold, Kazakh President Nazarbaev was vocal in predicting that similar events would not take place in Kazakhstan. According to Nazarbaev, people in his oil-rich country are content with their living standards.

Speaking during the Eurasian Media Forum in Almaty on April 27, Nazarbaev described the situation in Kyrgyzstan as a mere «fight for power.» He added: «It was not a revolution. It was complete banditry.»

‘Preventative Measures’

Others in the region appear to have taken steps designed to ensure a Kyrgyz-like political scenario does not unfold on their territory. Tajikistan appears to be taking the soft approach, while Uzbekistan is reportedly taking a hard line.

In an April 24 address to the nation, Tajik President Rahmon instructed all local government heads to have «open doors» every Saturday to meet with people and listen to their opinions, problems, and complaints.

The Uzbek response has been starkly different. According to RFE/RL’s Uzbek Service, law enforcement officials along with neighborhood committees in the southeastern Ferghana Province are asking people to sign «loyalty letters,» promising they will not agitate against the government. Such letters reportedly appeared shortly after the Kyrgyz unrest, and mainly target relatives of dissidents, political activists, and conservative religious people.

If history is any indication, the chances of any export of the revolutionary spirit seen in Kyrgyzstan depend largely on how successful the uprising is at bringing about real democratic change.

The Tulip Revolution five years ago initially brought hope of such change, and was widely welcomed by younger people in Central Asia. But those hopes faded as many expected reforms failed to materialize. This, Kyrgyz say today, merely demonstrated that the 2005 revolution wasn’t about democracy, but simply replaced once corrupt strongman with another.

Likewise, if Kyrgyz hopes once again turn into disenchantment, their neighbors’ criticisms of the «chronic revolutions» in Kyrgyzstan that lead to nothing will only be strengthened.

Farangis Najibullah

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Is_Kyrgyzstans_Revolution_Ready_For_Export/2027180.html

The Kazakh Supreme Court today upheld the guilty verdict against jailed prominent Kazakh rights activist Yevgeny Zhovtis, RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service reports.

Zhovtis, the director of the Almaty-based Kazakh Bureau for Human Rights, was sentenced on September 3 to four years in a labor camp for manslaughter after his car struck a pedestrian who later died.

Zhovtis and his lawyers have protested the verdict, saying it is retaliation by Kazakh authorities for his professional activities.

Domestic and international human rights organizations consider the case against Zhovtis to be politically motivated.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Kazakh_Rights_Activists_Guilty_Verdict_Upheld/2025107.html

On 21 April the Russian Institute of Eurasian Studies in Tajikistan launched a contest “Russian – Tajikistan: Historical routes of friendship and cooperation – new perspectives”.

The contest will be held among journalists working for the Tajik news agencies and freelance media professionals covering the issues of development of Russia and Tajikistan.

Galina Nazarova, representative of the Institute told the media that the contest is targeted to rehabilitating the traditional cooperation between the two peoples in new conditions and attracting attention of the civil society to the Russian-Tajik cooperation.

Khovar news agency

The Delegation of the European Union to the Republic of Tajikistan is seeking proposals for supporting actions in the Republic of Tajikistan with financial assistance from the Programme «European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights».

The general objectives of the new financing instrument are to contribute to the development and consolidation of democracy and the rule of law, and respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms, within the framework of the Community’s policy on development cooperation, and economic, financial and technical cooperation with third countries, and consistent with the EU’s foreign policy as a whole.

The EIDHR is designed to help civil society to become an effective force for political reform and defence of human rights.

The more detailed information (including full Guidelines for Applicants, application form, etc.) is available for consultation on the following internet sites:

http://www.deltjk.ec.europa.eu and https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/europeaid/online-services/index.cfm?ADSSChck=1271411238113&do=publi.detPUB&searchtype=QS&orderby=upd&orderbyad=Desc&nbPubliList=15&page=1&aoref=129933.

The deadline for submission of proposals is 16 July 2010, 17:30 Dushanbe time.

For further information you may contact Ms. Nodira Safarova in the Delegation of the European Union to Tajikistan tel:+992 (37) 2217407, 228-91-18, Nodira.Safarova@ec.europa.eu

http://www.deltjk.ec.europa.eu

Speaking at a press conference on 19 April in Dushanbe, Nusratullo Abdulloev, chairman of the Tajik Supreme Court told the media that he has no right make comments on the legal actions against the three Tajik weeklies – Farazh, Ozodagon and Asia Plus. “I can only evaluate the validity and legitimacy of the court’s verdict – when it is made,” — he added.

In March 2010 the Sino district court in Dushanbe started hearings on the legal action against the three private newspapers. The complaints are two judges of the Tajik Supreme Court – Nur Nurov and Ulugbek Makhmadshoev, and a judge of the Dushanbe city court – Fakhriddin Dodometov. The complaints demand compensation for “moral damage” in the amount of 5,5, million Somoni ($1,2 million) claiming that the weeklies have defamed their honor, dignity and business reputation.

The dispute was caused by a publication based upon information voiced at a press conference held by Solejon Juraev, the lawyer who stated that in a court proceeding the chairing judge Nur Nurov violated the rights of defendants, and that the verdict was unfair.

Many authoritative international organizations and media communities – both local and foreign – have publicly expressed their concern about the situation.

“Persecution of citizens, in particular, rights advocates, who use their constitutional rights and freedoms, criticizing the judicial and executive powers, as well as the application of punitive measures against those who freely express their opinions, contradict the democratic principles and undermine Tajikistan’s image in the global community”, — says the public statement made by the Tajik Union of Journalists.

Media experts say that the hound on the non-state media is seen as a very negative trend leading to limitations of the freedom of speech and expression, increasing self-censorship among Tajik journalists.

Asia Plus