Journalists in 2010 targets and bargaining chips

Published on 30 December 2010

Figures in 2010
57 journalists killed (25% fewer than in 2009)
51 journalists kidnapped
535 journalists arrested
1374 physically attacked or threatened
504 media censored
127 journalists fled their country
152 bloggers and netizens arrested
52 physically attacked
62 countries affected by Internet censorship
Fewer killed in war zones
Fifty-seven journalists were killed in connection with their work in 2010, 25% fewer than in 2009, when the total was 76. The number of journalists killed in war zo- nes has fallen in recent years. Significantly, it is becoming more and more difficult to identify those responsible in cases in which journalists were killed by criminal gangs, armed groups, religious organizations or state agents. “Fewer journalists were killed in war zones than in preceding years,” Reporters Without Borders secretary- general Jean-François Julliard said. “Media workers are above all being murdered by criminals and traffickers of various kinds. Organized crime groups and militias are their leading killers worldwide. The challenge now is to rein in this phenomenon. The authorities of the countries concerned have a direct duty to combat the impunity surrounding these murders. If governments do not make every effort to punish the murderers of journalists, they become their accomplices.”
Journalists as bargaining chips
Another distinguishing feature of 2010 was the major increase in kidnappings of journalists. There were 29 cases in 2008, 33 in 2009 and 51 in 2010. Journalists are seen less and less as outside observers. Their neutrality and the nature of their work are no longer respected. “Abductions of journalists are becoming more and more frequent and are taking place in more countries.” Reporters Without Borders said. “For the first time, no continent escaped this evil in 2010. Journalists are turning into bargaining chips. Kidnappers take hostages in order to finance their criminal activities, make governments comply with their demands, and send a message to the public. Abduction provides them with a form of publicity. Here again, governments must do more to identify them and bring them to justice. Otherwise reporters – national or foreign – will no longer venture into certain regions and will abandon the local population to their sad fate.” Journalists were particularly exposed to this kind of risk in Afghanistan and Nigeria in 2010. The case of French TV journalists Hervé Ghesquière and Stéphane Taponier and their three Afghan assistants, held hostage in Afghanistan since 29 December 2009, is the longest abduction in the history of the French media since the end of the 1980s.
No region of the world spared
Journalists were killed in 25 countries in 2010. This is the first time since Reporters Without Borders began keeping these tallies that journalists have been murdered in so many countries. Almost 30% of the countries (7 in total) were African countries: Angola, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, Rwanda, Somalia and Uganda. But the deadliest continent by far was Asia with 20 cases, and this was due above all to the heavy toll in Pakistan, where 11 journalists were killed in 2010. Of the 67 countries where there have been murders of journalists in the past 10 years, there are eight where they keep recurring: Afghanistan, Colombia, Iraq, Mexico, Pakistan, Philippines, Russia, and Somalia. These countries have not evolved; a culture of violence against the press has become deeply rooted there. Pakistan, Iraq and Mexico have been the three most violent countries for journalists during the past decade. The passing years have brought no changes to Pakistan, with journalists continuing to be targeted by Islamists groups or to be the collateral victims of suicide bombings. This total of 11 killed was the highest of the year. Iraq saw a return to earlier levels of violence with a total of seven journalists killed in 2010 as against four in 2009. Most of them were killed after the United States announced that all of its combat troops had been withdrawn in August. Journalists are caught in a trap between the different sectors – including local authorities, those involved in corruption and religious groups that refuse to accept media independence. In Mexico, the extreme violence of the drug traffickers affects the entire population including journalists, who are particularly exposed. This has a major impact on reporting, with journalists reducing their coverage of crime stories to the minimum in order to take as few risks as possible. In Central America, three were killed in Honduras in 2010 in connection with their work. Politically-motivated violence since the June 2008 coup d’état has com pounded the “traditional violence” of organized crime, a major phenomenon in this part of the world. In Thailand, where newspapers are able to enjoy relative independence despite recurring press freedom violations, 2010 was a very tough year. Two foreign journalists, Fabio Polenghi of Italy and Hiroyuki Muramoto of Japan, were killed in clashes between government forces and Red Shirts (supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra) in Bangkok in April and May. The shots that killed them were very probably fired by the members of the army.
Two journalists killed in Europe
Two journalists were murdered in European Union countries – Greece and Latvia. Neither murder has so far been solved. Social and political instability is having an impact on the work of the media in Greece, where Socratis Guiolias, the manager of Radio Thema 98.9, was gunned down with an automatic weapon outside his home in southeast Athens on 19 July. The police suspect a far- left group calling itself Sehta Epanastaton (Revolutionary Sect) that emerged in 2009. In Latvia, a country with a calmer environment for the press, Grigorijs Nemcovs, the publisher and editor of the regional newspaper Million and owner of a local TV station of the same name, was shot twice in the head in the southeastern city of Daugavpils while on his way to a meeting on 16 April.

Even the internet no longer a refuge
Reporters Without Borders is continuing to investigate the June 2010 death of the young netizen Khaled Mohammed Said, who was arrested by two plain-clothes police officers in an Internet café, taken outside and beaten to death in the street. There were reports that his death was prompted by a video posted online that incriminated the police in a drug deal. Autopsy reports attributed his death to a drug overdose, but this was belied by photos of his body. The number of arrests and physical attacks on netizens in 2010 was similar to previous years. Harassment of bloggers and censorship of the Internet have become commonplace. There are no longer any taboos about online filtering. Censorship is taking new forms: more aggres- sive online propaganda and increasingly frequent use of cyber-attacks as way to silence bothersome Internet users. Significantly, online censorship is no longer necessarily the work of repressive regimes. Democracies are now examining and adopting new laws that pose a threat to free speech on the Internet.
Journalists killed

Exile – the last resort
Many journalists flee abroad to escape violence and oppression. A total of 127 journalists from 23 countries did this in 2010. The exodus from Iran continues. For the second year running, it was the biggest source of fugitive journalists – 30 cases registered by Reporters Without Borders in 2010. The Horn of Africa continues to shed journalists. Around 15 fled Eritrea and Somalia in 2010. The year also saw the forced exile of 18 Cuban journa- lists, who had been jailed since March 2003 and who were released on condition that they immediately leave for Spain.

http://en.rsf.org/journalists-in-2010-targets-and-30-12-2010,39188.html

Freedom of Speech in Tajikistan December 2010

In December 2010 the NANSMIT Monitoring Service received 17 reports. Eleven of them describe the factual situation in the media in the light of socio-legal and political environment; five reports describe direct violations of rights of media professionals; and one report describes conflicts and accusations against the media and journalists.

I. PECULIARITIES OF POLITICAL, SOCIAL, ADMINISTRATIVE AND LEGAL CLIMATE IN THE COUNTRY DEFINING THE FACTUAL SITUATION IN THE MEDIA

1. Public speeches and statements of superior officials defining the factual situation in the mass media

15 December
Emomali Rakhmon, President of Tajikistan, Moscow, Russian Federation

Speaking at the meeting of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Moscow, the President of Tajikistan Emomali Rakhmon stressed the importance of information security. (The Najot weekly, #50, 15.12.2010, with a reference to BBC).

In particular, the President said that “Tajikistan is a reliable adherent of the joint countering of crimes in the area of information and information technologies”.

Enhancement of the legislation in the area of information security must be one of priorities of joint activities within the frameworks of CSTO.

2. Factual situation in the media

6 December
Imruz News, private newspaper, Dushanbe

The first daily newspaper Imruz News has resumed its publication. The newspaper had a two-week break because of financial difficulties, said Isfadiyori Nazar, chief editor of the outlet.

“We analyzed our financial problems and restructured three units; however, we did not reduce the staff, and all employees have their own workloads”, — said the editor.

The first daily newspaper came off the press for the first time on 30 August 2010. The daily printout of the information-analytical newspaper is 3 thousand copies.

8 December
Gulnora Amirshoeva, Vetacherny Dushanbe weekly, Dushanbe

On the eve of the Forum of the European and Asian Media, the newspaper Sobytiya (#54, 08.12.2010) published an interview with chief editor of the Tajik weekly Vetacherny Dushanbe Gulnora Amirshoeva who shared her opinion about the Tajik journalism.

Amirshoeva says that the Tajik journalism has its own specific problems, such as inactivity and poor development of the civil society, which hinders pluralism of opinions. People are reluctant to share their opinions with the media. Journalism has lost its main functions behind financial problems; it is “booked” by the authorities or foreign sponsors.

The Tajik media experience acute shortage of professionals. The old teaching methodologies in universities are not in compliance with requirements in the media. Another problem is a poor coverage of the audience and the lack of commercial opportunities for the media, i.e. the network for selling of media products. The electronic media also cannot convey important messages to the audience – in view of the insufficient power supply in remote areas.

3. Amendments to existing legislation and new draft laws aggravating the media environment

3 December
All media

The lower chamber of the Tajik parliament created a special working group in charge of developing the final draft of Tajikistan’s media law. The working group comprises parliamentarians, government officials and representatives of the civil society organizations.

4. Journalists protecting their civil and professional rights

1 December
The Committee “29 September”, Dushanbe

On 1 December, most of the Tajik media informed about the meeting of the Committee called “29 September”. The new public organization was created by managers of the leading Tajik media. On 30 November, the coalition convened a meeting to discuss the situation and suggest new measures in order to reinstate legality and justice in the media environment.

It was noted that the situation has not changed in the last few weeks, and media professionals are still facing serious impediments to their activities. In November, newspapers as Farazh and Paykon experienced difficulties with printing facilities. Participants of the meeting developed a number of actions for the next few weeks. The Committee states that the national government should interfere and rectify the situation.

1 December
All media, Dushanbe

On 1 December, representatives of Tajik media and human rights organizations sent an official appeal to the President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbaev whose country is currently presides in OSCE. The appeal contains a request of assistance to prevent violations of human rights and media freedom, which, in particular, concerns the problem of pressure exerted by the government on private media.

“The main goal of this action is to attract attention of heads of the OSCE member states to the situation in Tajikistan’s media environment and to resolve conflicts within the information space following the national legislation and Tajikistan’s commitments to OSCE”, — said Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of NANSMIT.

The official letter was presented to Ms. Minara Rakhanova, counselor of the Kazakh embassy in Dushanbe.

9 December
All media, Dushanbe

Tajik journalists and human rights activists received awards for their input in covering the issues of human rights and freedoms in 2010. The awards were given by two organizations – the British Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) in Central Asia and the Human Rights and Legality Bureau.

II. VIOLATION OF PROFESSIONAL RIGHTS

1. Accusations of libel and insult

13 December
Makhmadyusuf Ismailov, Nuri Zindagi weekly, Sughd province

On 23 November, the Sughd province law enforcement authorities in Asht district arrested a 50-year-old Makhmadyusuf Ismailov, correspondent of a private newspaper Nuri Zindagi (Ray of Life). The fact of arrest was publicly reported only on 13 December.

The journalist is suspected in crimes specified in Article 135 and 136 of the Tajik Criminal Code (libel and insult contained in public statements or in mass media) and Article 250 (extortion).

Observers say that Ismailov’s arrest is related to a publication in the Istiklol weekly, which reveals misconduct of law enforcement officers and the absence of justice in Ast district.

Juma Mirzo, editor of Nuri Zindagi has confirmed the fact of arrest of his correspondent. The editor says that the Ast district prosecutor sent an official letter requesting copies of all articles, which Ismailov is the author of.

30 December
Reporters Without Borders

Reporters Without Borders called for the release of Makhmadyusuf Ismoilov, a newspaper reporter who has been detained arbitrarily by prosecutors in Khujand, in the northern province of Sughd, since 23 November.

Ismoilov was arrested at the behest of the regional prosecutor’s office one day after an article he wrote about its alleged corrupt and irregular practices was published in the newspaper Istikol. His detention is clearly designed to stop him working as regional correspondent.

He has often criticized the local authorities during the three years that he has worked as a Khujand-based reporter for various newspapers including the national weekly Nuri Zindagi. It is regrettable that the only response from the local authorities to his criticism it to arrest him. It is doubtful that regional prosecutor Anvar Kanoat’s investigation is impartial.

Ismoilov is charged under various articles of the criminal code with libel, insulting an official, inciting religious and racial hatred and blackmail. Nuriddin Karshiboyev, the head of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan (NANSMIT), says he is being prosecuted solely because of what he wrote.

The trial is due to take place at the end of January and the Sughd regional court has ordered that Ismoilov be detained throughout the pre-trial investigation. Nuri Zindagi editor Djumo Mirzo has received a letter from the prosecutor requesting copies of all the articles that Ismoilov has written for the newspaper.

Reporters Without Borders calls for Ismoilov’s release pending the start of the trial. It also supports NANSMIT’s call for a fair trial and respect for the right to an independent defence.

The situation of the media and access to information has still not returned to normal after the crackdown carried out by the Tajik authorities in September (http://en.rsf.org/tadjikistan-after-using-civil-war-spectre-to-15-10-2010,38552.html). Several news websites are still experiencing hosting problems and some newspapers, including Faraj and Paikhon, are still being harassed and having problems finding a printer.

16 December
Committee to Protect Journalists, NYC, USA

The Committee to Protect Journalists today denounced the imprisonment in northern Tajikistan of Makhmadyusuf Ismoilov, a reporter with the Dushanbe-based independent weekly Nuri Zindagi. Ismoilov was arrested in Sogd region on November 23, but the regional press first reported on the case on Monday. Ismoilov is currently being held in a pretrial facility in the city of Khujand, according to the local press.
The Dushanbe-based National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan said Ismoilov was criminally charged with defamation and insult through the media (two separate counts). If convicted, Ismoilov faces up to two and a half years in prison. Authorities have not named a plaintiff in the indictment.

Nuriddin Karshiboyev, the media association’s director, told CPJ he believes Ismoilov was arrested in retaliation for his reporting. Ismoilov consistently criticized the regional government, law enforcement agencies, and the judiciary for alleged mismanagement, poor social and economic policies, and abuse of power, Karshiboyev told CPJ. According to Karshiboyev and local press reports, regional prosecutors asked Nuri Zindagi to provide them with all the articles Ismoilov had written for the weekly since he joined the newspaper in 2008.

“We call on Tajik authorities to drop all these politicized charges against Makhmadyusuf Ismoilov and release him at once,” CPJ Europe and Central Asia Program Coordinator Nina Ognianova said. “Tajikistan must decriminalize its defamation and insult laws in order to bring itself in line with international norms for press freedom.”

Karshiboyev told CPJ that he has studied Ismoilov’s publications in detail and has not found any instances of insult or defamation.

CPJ is a New York–based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit www.cpj.org.

III. CONFLICTS. VIOLATIONS INCRIMINATED TO THE MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS

1. Protection of honor, dignity and business reputation

8 December
Millat weekly, Dushanbe

Court hearings on the lawsuit by the Ministry of Agriculture against the Tajik non-government weekly Millat are adjourned (Millat, #49, 08.12.2010).

The judge Dilorom Abdurakhimova told the media that the court needs additional information and facts for proper investigation of the case.

The Ministry initiated the suit because of the publication in Millat titled «The Ministry of Agriculture is the most corrupt government agency”.

The Ministry demands a moral compensation in the amount of 1 million Somoni (about $230 thousand).

This report is based on compiled materials from the media and private information presented by correspondents of the NANSMIT Monitoring Network

Coordinator of the Monitoring Service
Abdufattokh Vokhidov

Project Manager
Nuriddin Karshibayev

Provincial reporter held for past five weeks for covering corruption

REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS / REPORTERS SANS FRONTIÈRES

Press release: http://en.rsf.org/tajikistan-provincial-reporter-held-for-past-28-12-2010,39172.html

28/12/10

TAJIKISTAN

Provincial reporter held for past five weeks for covering corruption

Reporters Without Borders calls for the release of Makhmadyusuf Ismoilov, a newspaper reporter who has been detained arbitrarily by prosecutors in Khujand, in the northern province of Sughd, since 23 November.

Ismoilov was arrested at the behest of the regional prosecutor’s office one day after an article he wrote about its alleged corrupt and irregular practices was published in the newspaper Istikol. His detention is clearly designed to stop him working as regional correspondent.

He has often criticized the local authorities during the three years that he has worked as a Khujand-based reporter for various newspapers including the national weekly Nuri Zindagi. It is regrettable that the only response from the local authorities to his criticism it to arrest him. It is doubtful that regional prosecutor Anvar Kanoat’s investigation is impartial.

Ismoilov is charged under various articles of the criminal code with libel, insulting an official, inciting religious and racial hatred and blackmail. Nuriddin Karshiboyev, the head of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan (NANSMIT), says he is being prosecuted solely because of what he wrote.

The trial is due to take place at the end of January and the Sughd regional court has ordered that Ismoilov be detained throughout the pre-trial investigation. Nuri Zindagi editor Djumo Mirzo has received a letter from the prosecutor requesting copies of all the articles that Ismoilov has written for the newspaper.

Reporters Without Borders calls for Ismoilov’s release pending the start of the trial. It also supports NANSMIT’s call for a fair trial and respect for the right to an independent defence.

The situation of the media and access to information has still not returned to normal after the crackdown carried out by the Tajik authorities in September (http://en.rsf.org/tadjikistan-after-using-civil-war-spectre-to-15-10-2010,38552.html). Several news websites are still experiencing hosting problems and some newspapers, including Faraj and Paikhon, are still being harassed and having problems finding a printer.

http://en.rsf.org/tajikistan-provincial-reporter-held-for-past-28-12-2010,39172.html

NANSMIT promotes media reforms in Tajikistan

The National Association of Independent Mass Media (NANSMIT) supports the reforms in the media. Democratic alterations require equal conditions and opportunities for healthy competition amongst the media with different forms of property, which leads to pluralism in the society.

In October 2010, the Tajik parliamentarian Davlatali Davlatzoda suggested to reduce allocations from the national budget for financing of the government newspapers. The parliamentarian considers that many ministries and government institutions continue to print their own outlets, which do not play any essential role in the information environment, while the government keeps subsidizing them spending big amounts from the national budget.

Parliamentarians promised to consider the practicability of further financing of the government newspapers in the process of budget drafting for 2012, as well as the feasibility of financial support to the media and public organizations.

Russian lawmakers are working on a draft law to abolish the compulsory support to the government and municipal media; at the same time, the law establishes other ways of supporting and promoting independent and interesting periodicals.

Experts of NANSMIT consider that many official newspapers are not interesting for the audience; they publish boring tables and reports misspending the money from the national budget. In distinction from the government periodicals, the private media cover the most topical subjects and developments while facing big challenges and financial difficulties. Besides that, the authorities on different levels practice the so-called “voluntary-forced” subscription in order to artificially support particular official periodicals.

In our opinion, at the current stage of development, Tajikistan badly needs new and pluralistic media, as well as new broadcasting structures.

NANSMIT expresses its readiness to working with the government and the parliament in the area of media reforms.

NANSMIT

THE U.S. EMBASSY IN DUSHANBE REQUESTS PROJECT PROPOSALS FOR THE 2011 DEMOCRACY COMMISSION SMALL GRANTS PROGRAM

SUBMISSION DEADLINE: January 28, 2011

The U.S. Embassy in Dushanbe announces a request for proposals under the 2011 Democracy Commission Small Grants Program. The purpose of the program is to award small grants for specific projects that support the development of democratic institutions in Tajikistan. Primarily, grants will be awarded to non-governmental, non-profit organizations (NGOs). The amount of a grant must not be more than $50,000 (USD), but the Commission will give priority to applications that implement similar projects with lower budgets. To be eligible for consideration, every applicant must be engaged in or carry out a project the purpose of which is to promote the development of democratic institutions in Tajikistan. The Democracy Commission Small Grants Program has existed in Tajikistan since 2001.

The U.S. Embassy in Dushanbe will accept proposals for consideration by the Democracy Commission Small Grants Program for the following themes:

— Fostering a strong and independent media (media management);
— Increasing environmental and/or climate change awareness;

Proposals should contain clearly formulated goals and target groups, and show the ability of the applying organization to carry out the project. Proposals should be submitted in English only to:

U.S. Embassy, Public Affairs Section
109 A Ismoili Somoni Avenue
Dushanbe, Tajikistan
Tel: (992 37) 229 2315, 229 2000, fax: (992 37) 229 2050
Email: GrantProposalsDushanbe@state.gov
Contact person: Sherzod Abdujabborov

Note: Projects with a computer based English translation will not be accepted.

The U.S. Embassy’s Democracy Commission Grant Program is limited to organizations based in Tajikistan. Projects NOT funded by the U.S. Embassy Democracy Commission Program include those requested by non-Tajikistani organizations, those relating to partisan political activity, charitable activity and humanitarian aid, fund-raising campaigns, commercial projects, those involving individuals not affiliated with an organization that can provide long-term sustainability to the project, and those that duplicate existing projects.

Grant application forms are available on our web site http://dushanbe.usembassy.gov/demcom.html They can also be obtained from the U.S. Embassy in Dushanbe via the email noted above. If you have additional questions or need consultation on your project proposal please contact the Public Affairs Section of the U.S. Embassy at the numbers above on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays from 9:30 to 12:00

http://dushanbe.usembassy.gov/

Threat to Open Data withdrawn by French Parliament

Madrid/Paris, 20 December 2010 – Access Info Europe and Regards Citoyens welcomed the withdrawal on 16 December 2010 of a proposed amendment to France’s security and access to information laws which would have required background behaviour checks on users of government information.

The proposed amendment was significantly changed in the French parliament on Thursday 16 December following an international campaign by 35 organisations and experts from 25 countries which had raised concerns that the new law would seriously constrain both access to information and freedom of expression. Read the campaign letter(here).

As a result, multiple members of parliament from all political groups proposed either to change the dangerous amendment or to withdraw it. The version eventually adopted no longer refers to France’s access to information law and only requires “morality” checks on users of the national database of car number plates.

“Some could still argue that having such personal data accessible for commercial marketing purposes is unacceptable, but that will be up to the Senate to discuss in a couple months. Today the threat to open public data has been withdrawn,” said Benjamin Ooghe-Tabanou, co-founder of Regards Citoyens.
“The immediate danger for the right to information has passed,” commented Helen Darbishire of Access Info Europe, “but there remains a concern that a special legal regime has been adopted to give a handful of businesses privileged access to personal data.”

Access Info and Regards Citoyens noted with concern that other measures adopted by the French parliament include administrative filtering of internet content without judicial oversight, something human rights organisations fear will lead to censorship of the internet.Read more here.

The two civil society organisations today called on the French government to focus on a broader initiative to open up public sector information for all users. They noted that this is happening in many leading democracies – such as Australia, Denmark, New Zealand, Norway, the United Kingdom and the United States – which are posting large volumes of raw public data online with no preconditions on who may use it or how. This is done in recognition of the significant social and economic benefits that such transparency brings, including promoting participation in decision-making and permitting development of applications that benefit society as a whole.

Notes for Editors:

1. Access Info Europe is a human rights organisation head-quartered in Madrid which promotes the right of access to information and open government data in Europe. Access Info Europe believes that more public information means better participation in and greater accountability of public bodies.
2. Regards Citoyens is a civic association which promotes the opening of public data to secure greater transparency of democratic institutions in France.
3. Information about the amendment finally adopted can be found (in French) on the websiteNosdeputes.fr
4. Examples of online portals for accessing public data include www.data.gov , www.data.gov.uk , www.data.gov.au , www.data.gov.nz.

For more information – in English or French — please contact:
Victoria Anderica, Access Info Europe, victoria access-info.org
Office phone: +34 91 366 5344
Mobile: +34 606 592 976
Helen Darbishire, Access Info Europe (www.access-info.org)
helen access-info.org, mobile: +34 667 685 319

www.access-info.org

Funding available for efforts to safeguard journalists’ rights

Deadline:31/01/11
Media Legal Defence Initiative (MLDI)

The Media Legal Defence Initiative (MLDI) is accepting proposals from organizations and groups who seek funding for legal assistance or litigation activities that safeguard or advance media freedom.

MLDI exists to help journalists and media outlets defend their rights. It provides financial assistance to pay legal fees, help to access free legal advice and take cases to international courts and supervisory bodies. MLDI also works to strengthen the capacity of lawyers to defend media rights by supporting education, networking, exchange of information and cooperation among legal professionals working to defend media freedom.

Application form and guidelines are available at www.mediadefence.org. For questions, contact info@mediadefence.org, using the reference “December 2010 call for proposals.»

http://ijnet.org/opportunities/71655

Crisis-reporting grant available

Deadline:01/02/11
Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting

Journalists interested in crisis reporting can apply for a US$7,500 travel grant. Applicants should live outside the U.S.

The Persephone Miel Fellowship will fund a reporting project that focuses on a global crisis under-reported in the mainstream American media.

The grant is designed to help a non-native English speaking journalist reach an international audience. For more information, click here: http://pulitzercenter.org/persephone-miel-fellowship

http://ijnet.org/opportunities/71296

Independent journalist arrested on defamation, insult charges

New York, December 16, 2010—The Committee to Protect Journalists today denounced the imprisonment in northern Tajikistan of Makhmadyusuf Ismoilov, a reporter with the Dushanbe-based independent weekly Nuri Zindagi. Ismoilov was arrested in Sogd region on November 23, but the regional press first reported on the case on Monday. Ismoilov is currently being held in a pretrial facility in the city of Khujand, according to the local press.
The Dushanbe-based National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan said Ismoilov was criminally charged with defamation and insult through the media (two separate counts). If convicted, Ismoilov faces up to two and a half years in prison. Authorities have not named a plaintiff in the indictment.

Nuriddin Karshiboyev, the media association’s director, told CPJ he believes Ismoilov was arrested in retaliation for his reporting. Ismoilov consistently criticized the regional government, law enforcement agencies, and the judiciary for alleged mismanagement, poor social and economic policies, and abuse of power, Karshiboyev told CPJ. According to Karshiboyev and local press reports, regional prosecutors asked Nuri Zindagi to provide them with all the articles Ismoilov had written for the weekly since he joined the newspaper in 2008.

“We call on Tajik authorities to drop all these politicized charges against Makhmadyusuf Ismoilov and release him at once,” CPJ Europe and Central Asia Program Coordinator Nina Ognianova said. “Tajikistan must decriminalize its defamation and insult laws in order to bring itself in line with international norms for press freedom.”

Karshiboyev told CPJ that he has studied Ismoilov’s publications in detail and has not found any instances of insult or defamation.

CPJ is a New York–based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit www.cpj.org.

Muzaffar Suleymanov
Research Associate, Europe and Central Asia
Committee to Protect Journalists
Phone: 212.465.1004 (x101)
Fax: 212.465.9568
E-mail: msuleymanov@cpj.org
Web: www.cpj.org

www.cpj.org

The Deep Roots Of Nepotism In Central Asia

All five post-Soviet Central Asian states are characterized by rampant nepotism, which has arguably become the main obstacle hampering their economic and political development. Kyrgyzstan’s two post-Soviet leaders — Askar Akaev and Kurmanbek Bakiev — were both undone by the favoritism they showed their children and close relatives, a lesson that should not be lost on the heads of Kyrgyzstan’s neighbors.

Bakiev, who was ousted as president in April, appointed his son and brothers to high state positions. His son, Maksim, and his brother, Janysh, in fact, became some of the most influential political figures in the country. Leading opposition figure Azimbek Beknazarov went so far in 2007 as to say that Janysh and Maksim were actually running Kyrgyzstan. While politician Omurbek Tekebaev said Kyrgyzstan had established a system of medieval nepotism in which power is distributed solely on the basis of consanguinity.

Nepotism became a great danger for Kyrgyzstan, menacing its very integrity whenever the clans that emerged around Maksim and Janysh found themselves at odds over some prize or other.

Between them, they pretty well divided Kyrgyzstan into fiefdoms. Maksim, dubbed «The Prince,» controlled key businesses, including the gems of the banking system, the media, and the financial sector. Janysh was originally the deputy head of the National Security Service. Later he headed the State Protection Service, which provides security for the president, government officials, members of parliament, and the justices of the Supreme Court and Constitutional Court. In fact, he controlled all the country’s law enforcement organs, including the prosecutor’s office, the criminal investigations units, and the judiciary.

Two more presidential brothers — Marat and Adil — were ensconced in Kyrgyz embassies abroad. One is ambassador to Germany, while the other is a senior official in the embassy in Beijing.

Another brother, Kanybek, headed a village administration, while another, Akhmat, is a successful businessman and the «unofficial governor» of the family’s native Jalalabad Oblast. Another brother, Jusupbek, served as deputy director of Kyrgyzstan’s Agency for Community Development and Investment before his death in early 2006.

The End Of An Era

But this corrupt system ended in a bloody uprising in which 87 people were killed by gunfire from state security agents. I doubt Kurmanbek Bakiev foresaw the dangerous, deadly dynamic he was unleashing when he named his son to the second-highest position in a rigid vertical of power.

And how could he? Having surrounded himself with sons, brothers, and other relatives, Bakiev had no reliable circle of politicians and professionals to advise him. The political allies who helped him oust Akaev all abandoned him. Gradually, his only thought came to be how to hold on to the position his whole clan relied on despite the country’s increasingly unstable, untenable political environment. The logic of this system became fatally self-perpetuating; as his political companions abandoned him, he became increasingly dependent on his network of powerful family members.

Looking back at Akaev’s presidency, it is clear that his wife was really calling the shots. Mairam Akaeva made most key personnel decisions. A graduate of Leningrad State University, she was a professor of mechanics and president of the Meerim charity foundation. All businesspeople or officials who sought her favor would transfer funds to the foundation. After Akaev was ousted, prosecutors began looking into several cases in which state ministries allegedly illegally transferred budget funds to Meerim.

Experts have estimated that as much as 20 percent of Kyrgyzstan’s GDP ended up in the pockets of Akaev’s family and close allies. Mairam and Akaev’s son, Aidar, were notorious for «selling» state posts. In 2006, prosecutors opened and investigated 106 criminal cases connected to Akaev’s relatives or members of his inner circle.

Akaev and his wife used to say, «all the riches we have are our books and paintings.» But in reality, his children and relatives impudently seized everything in Kyrgyzstan that glittered. Akaev installed his daughter, Bermet, as a parliament deputy and his son, Aidar, as adviser to the finance minister and parliament deputy. When both Bermet and Aidar ran for parliament in 2005, there was impudent falsification on their behalf and in favor of other members of the pro-presidential Alga Kyrgyzstan party.

But it was Akaev’s son-in-law, Adil Tojgonbaev (a Kazakh citizen and the husband of Bermet), who was the most irritating. Some journalists estimated that Tojgonbaev oversaw virtually every profitable industry in Kyrgyzstan, controlling in particular the market for alcohol. He also purportedly owned several broadcasting companies and several popular newspapers, including «Evening Bishkek.»

Ultimately, five criminal cases were initiated against him, accusing him of causing damages in the amount of $18.8 million. But Astana refused to extradite him and now he lives peacefully in Kazakhstan. He and Bermet are divorced.

The fact that Bakiev so closely followed the doomed path of his predecessor demonstrates the deep roots that corruption and nepotism have in Central Asia.

Beyond Kyrgyzstan

Across the region, family is a crucial social institution and interpersonal ties among even extended-family members are exceptionally strong. Family connections are often tied to financial support and trust among family members is far higher than levels of trust in society generally. Several generations of a family will often live together, and elders are treated with noteworthy respect. Children are taught from the beginning to rely on their families.

That’s why, despite the obvious negative examples from Kyrgyzstan showing that nepotism and the corruption it engenders are key drivers of popular discontent, other Central Asian leaders continue to practice and defend similar systems.

Suhrob Sharipov, head of the presidential Strategic Research Center in Tajikistan, told Asia-Plus that President Imomali Rahmon has the right to appoint relatives to senior posts if he judges them qualified.

«Family links have always been used and will always be used in Tajikistan,» Sharipov said. «We have such a mentality that relatives try to be close to each other. Family links will always be used in our country by everyone, no matter who is in power.»

He argued that the main reason nepotism is less prevalent in Western democracies is because families often live scattered far apart.

As might be expected from Sharipov’s analysis, several of Rahmon’s children already occupy high-level post. Twenty-three-year old son Rustam has been enjoying a meteoric rise in Tajik politics and is widely viewed as a possible presidential successor. Daughter Tahmina is believed to be a cofounder of several trading networks and of the Development Bank of Tajikistan. Hasan Sadulloev, the brother of Rahmon’s wife, is chairman of the board of the country’s largest bank, Orienbanka. He owns dozens of factories, real-estate companies, a network of restaurants, and several mass-media outlets.

In Uzbekistan, the alleged U.S. diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks recently describe President Islam Karimov’s daughter, Gulnara, as «the most hated person in the country.» According to the U.S. diplomats in those texts, she «bites off a slice» of every profitable business in the country and has earned the nickname «the queen of thieves.» Gulnara has long lived in Geneva, where her Zeromax holding company is registered. She also spends considerable time in Spain.

Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev once joked that «my salary as president is very small, so my children are helping me.» According to «Forbes» magazine, Nazarbaev’s daughter, Dinara, and her husband, Timur Kulibaev, are among the world’s billionaires.

In 2007, Kulibaev bought a private residence from a member of the British royal family for 15 million pounds, about 25 percent more than the market price of the property, according to Britain’s «Daily Telegraph.» The Kazakh newspaper «Republic» has reported that Dinara paid nearly 75 million Swiss francs earlier this year for a country house near Lake Geneva.

Nazarbaev’s former son-in-law, Rakhat Aliev, amassed a great fortune before falling out of favor with his benefactor. Living now in Austria, Aliev has been sentenced in absentia to 40 years in prison by an Almaty court and has had his extensive properties in the country seized — factories, newspapers, aircraft, homes…

For his part, Aliev has penned a tell-all about Nazarbaev called «The Godfather,» in which he writes that Nazarbaev has three wives and plans to hand over power to a son by his third wife who is now just five years old.

Turkmenistan also has a reputation for corruption and nepotism. Former Turkmen leader Saparmurat Niyazov’s son, Murat, was given a privileged access to the business world. He was entrusted with control over exports of the country’s natural gas. Some media reported that the revenues were held in offshore banks in Cyprus. Murat was suspected of accepting bribes from foreign companies interested in drilling and extracting the gas. He also controlled earnings from the lucrative sale of alcohol and cigarettes.

In the three years since the death of «President-For-Life» Niyazov, Turkmenistan’s government has taken some steps to dismantle the corrupt Niyazov system. However, we now see the rise of the family and inner circle of President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov. Former dentist Berdymukhammedov used to drive an old Russian car, but has lately developed a taste for luxury. One of his daughters lives in London, another in Paris. He has been steadily installing his friends and fellow clan members in powerful state positions.

None of these leaders seems to have learned anything from the experience of Kyrgyzstan. They continue to ignore the simple truth that one day, inevitably, the patience of the people will simply run out.

Cholpon Orozobekova is a Kyrgyz journalist based in Geneva. She has worked for BBC radio, RFE/RL, IWPR, and as editor in chief of independent newspaper «De Facto.» The views expressed in this commentary are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL

Cholpon Orozobekova, RFE/RL

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/deep_roots_of_nepotism_in_central_asia/2249061.html