Russian Media Behemoth Set To Launch Wave Of Foreign Bureaus

By Tom Balmforth

October 29, 2014

MOSCOW — Rossia Segodnya, Russia’s state-run media conglomerate, is reportedly preparing to open local bureaus in 29 world capitals, a move expanding the Kremlin’s global media presence amid what senior Russian officials call an «information war» with the West.

The new bureaus are set to facilitate local-language radio programming and news websites, though their locations have yet to be formally announced, Serbian media reported.

Rossia Segodnya would neither confirm nor deny the reports, saying details would be released at a launch event in Moscow next month.

The cities in question, however, appear to include Tajikistan’s capital, Dushanbe, and the Serbian capital, Belgrade.

RFE/RL’s Tajik Service reported in August that Rossia Segodnya was set to open a branch in Dushanbe that would be staffed by 25 locally hired reporters.

Balkan Insight and B92 reported this week on the imminent launch of a Belgrade bureau, which will apparently be headed by Ljubinka Milincic, a former Moscow correspondent for Serbian media outlets.

The reports follow Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent visit to the Serbian capital to much fanfare on the occasion of a colossal military parade, affirming Moscow’s deep ties with the Balkan country.

‘Information War’

Rossia Segodnya was established by a Kremlin decree last December. The media holding company integrates the state news agency RIA Novosti and state radio station Voice of Russia into a single media monolith helmed by controversial pro-Kremlin news anchor Dmitry Kiselyov.

Rossia Segodnya, or «Russia Today,» is a different organization than RT, the lavishly funded pro-Kremlin TV network that broadcasts in English, Arabic, and Spanish.

On October 28, «The Guardian» reported that RT is launching a specially tailored television channel to be aired in Britain.

Russia has increased spending on its foreign media operations, earmarking 15.38 billion rubles ($362.2 million) for RT in 2015, an increase of nearly 30 percent from last year. Next year’s budget for Rossia Segodnya has been almost tripled to 6.48 billion rubles ($152.6 million).

Western officials have called RT and other state-controlled Russian news outlets instruments of Kremlin «propaganda» deployed to shape the media narrative in the Ukraine crisis.

Russian officials, in turn, have accused the Western media of carrying out an «information war» against Russia and its interests.

Andrei Kolesnikov, a political analyst and columnist for the opposition-minded «Novaya gazeta» newspaper, says the Rossia Segodnya expansion is intended to complement the Kremlin’s use of RT as a «propaganda» tool to burnish Russia’s image abroad.

Kolesnikov also suggests Rossia Segodnya could potentially be used as a «cover» to improve Russian espionage networks or contacts in foreign countries.

He cited the recent case of Leonid Sviridov, a Russian reporter working for Rossia Segodnya in Poland, who on October 25 was stripped of his accreditation at the request of Polish security services.

Kiselyov has demanded an explanation for the move, though Polish authorities have yet to make such an explanation public.

RFE/RL’s Tajik Service and Balkan Service contributed to this report

http://www.rferl.org/content/russia-rossiya-segodnya-expansion-belgrade-dushanbe/26664310.html

Asia-Plus News Agency’s website available again

DUSHANBE, October 24, 2014, Asia-Plus – Asia-Plus News Agency’s website is available again after a two-day blockage.

Practically all Internet Service Providers (ISPs) that blocked access to the Asia-Plus’s website on October 21 unblocked it in the morning of October 24.

The website had been inaccessible since October 21 for the second time this month.

For the first time, a number of ISPs blocked access to the Asia-Plus’s website on October 10 and subscribers to those ISPs could access the website only by using proxy servers.  The access to the website of the Asia-Plus News Agency was restored on October 13.

The reasons for blocking the website are unknown.

http://news.tj/en/news/asia-plus-news-agency-s-website-available-again

Tajikistan: What’s Behind Government’s Heavy-Handed Protest Response?

October 14, 2014

http://www.eurasianet.org/node/70436

In the end, no one showed up; Tajikistan’s authorities made sure of that. But why was the government so concerned about an obscure group of exiles calling for protest in the first place?

Earlier in October, a businessman living abroad who is not well-known or well-liked at home, issued an appeal via Facebook, calling on Dushanbe residents to take to the streets to protest Tajikistan’s long-serving strongman president, Emomali Rahmon. Umarali Kuvatov, an entrepreneur who fell out with Rahmon and fled Tajikistan several years ago, used slogans like “Tajikistan without Rahmon,” and called for supporters to march on Dushanbe’s Dusti (Friendship) Square on October 10.

Facebook users tended to be dismissive of the rally appeal, seeing it as not only futile (political apathy in Tajikistan is widespread), but also dangerous. Many believed authorities are so intent on clinging to power that they would be willing to use lethal force against demonstrators. Some believed the few people spreading the message on Facebook might be government provocateurs, trying to create a pretext for authorities to block the social-networking platform yet again. Others suspected the Kremlin might be trying to manipulate events.

Kuvatov and his opposition movement, called Group 24, appear to have little local support. Even so, authorities reacted swiftly to the appeal, blocking dozens of websites, deploying armored vehicles, and holding a mock demonstration during which police repelled actors pretending to march on Dusti Square. The Supreme Court – an institution that many Tajiks see as subservient to executive authority – fast-tracked a ruling that labeled Group 24 “extremist,” thus prohibiting local publications from quoting Kuvatov or his amorphous movement.

The day of the planned rally, authorities blocked mobile text messaging services and the website of Tajikistan’s leading independent news outlet, Asia-Plus. Authorities, as usual, did not explain their actions, causing confusion, concern, and a great deal of fear in Dushanbe. Meanwhile, police installed security cameras around the capital and officials announced they would not tolerate any gathering.

The temporary information vacuum fueled rumor-mongering. Some Dushanbe residents compared Kuvatov’s call with the events that led to Tajikistan’s civil war in 1992.

“I would rather exchange hugs with every corrupt public official – although I do not have the slightest respect for any of them – than give somebody a chance to destabilize the situation. Nobody wants a repetition of the events of the early 1990s; neither do we want to follow the slippery slope of Ukraine or Egypt,” said a sound engineer who works at a private studio, expressing, on condition of anonymity, a feeling popular among Dushanbe’s intelligentsia.

“Why don’t people like Kuvatov come here? He prefers to instigate citizens of Tajikistan from the safety of his exile?” the sound engineer continued.

Dunja Mijatovic, the OSCE’s Representative on Freedom of the Media, called the website blockages “reprehensive” and “detrimental to the basic human right to receive and impart information.” In the days after October 10, text messaging services and many of the blocked websites became accessible again.

The episode underscores that there is little room for criticism in Rahmon’s Tajikistan. That is especially true this year, following unrest in Ukraine that caused the downfall of that country’s venal leader. Russia’s meddling in eastern Ukraine has merely heightened Rahmon’s sense of unease.

A strange occurrence in the Russian press caused lots of speculation in Dushanbe; on the day of the scheduled protest, though Dusti Square was clear, the Russian daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta reported that the city was under siege by peaceful protestors. The only casualty, the Nezavisimaya Gazeta report stated, was a pro-government dean of a local university, beaten for opposing the “revolution.”

“It is expected that Umarali Kuvatov, the leader of Group 24, will arrive in Dushanbe within the next few hours,” the paper added.

After two days, the story disappeared from the paper’s website. (A cached version can be seenhere.) The story left observers scratching their heads and fed rumors in Dushanbe that Russia is backing Kuvatov. Was it lazy journalism based on the wishful assertions of Group 24 members, or a Russian provocation?

One respected analyst who asked not to be named for fear of government reprisals said he believed the Kremlin is using Kuvatov (who is believed to be living in Russia) to warn Rahmon “not to get too close to China.” That, in his mind, explained the authorities’ “exaggerated reaction.”

The few embattled opposition groups remaining within Tajikistan took a dim view of Kuvatov’s call. Both the Islamic Renaissance Party and the Social Democratic Party (SDPT) distanced themselves from Kuvatov. SDPT leader Rahmatullo Zoirov told Asia-Plus that it is easy to appeal for mass disorder from outside the country. The call “will bear no fruit, but will, at the same time, put at risk the lives of those who may go to the rally out of curiosity,” he told Asia-Plus on October 9.

“Probably, the group wanted to demonstrate itself” to attract “sponsors rather than like-minded followers. But the attempts to organize public meetings were doomed to failure,” analyst Parviz Mullojanov told EurasiaNet.org. Authorities’ heavy-handed response highlights its own shortcomings, especially in the economic sphere, Mullojanov added. Tajikistan’s stagnant economy is weighed down by high unemployment and dependence on labor migration.

Many seem to agree that authorities have given Group 24 great, free publicity. Kuvatov had made similar statements before, but this time he has succeeded in “making a real huge information buzz,” said lawyer Izzat Amon, who leads a Moscow-based migrant-support group critical of Rahmon.

Thomson Reuters hosts journalism training program

Aspiring reporters, recent graduates or business journalists with English proficiency can participate in this training program. 

Thomson Reuters offers a nine-month training in New York, London and Asia. The program includes several weeks of intensive classroom training and work on reporting teams with a mentoring support from experienced journalists.

Participants will learn about all aspects of financial reporting, work on fast-paced news stories and enterprise journalism.

Applicants must be able to demonstrate commitment to a career in journalism and a strong interest in issues that affect companies, markets and economies. Experience in data analysis or data-driven journalism and work with multimedia storytelling, as well as fluency in Arabic, Mandarin or Russian language are beneficial.

Apply by Dec. 15.

For more information, click here: http://jobs.thomsonreuters.com/job/Asia-Umu-Nka-Reuters-Journalism-Training-Program-Asia-Job/221264900/?from=email&refid=15366283&utm_source=J2WEmail&source=2&eid=218-201407240407-32781680&locale=en_US

Harvard offers media innovation fellowship

Journalists worldwide working for news organizations in a business, technology or leadership capacity can apply for a fellowship at Harvard in Cambridge, Massachusetts.

The Nieman Foundation for Journalism and the Berkman Center for Internet & Society will host at least one fellow for an academic year to carry out a research project on journalism innovation.

Candidates must propose a project relating to journalism’s digital transformation. Examples might include ideas for new revenue streams to fund journalism, the construction of new tools for reporting or research into news consumption patterns.

Most fellows receive a US$65,000 stipend. Fellows receive additional allowances for housing, childcare and health insurance.

The application deadline is Dec. 1.

For more information, click here: http://nieman.harvard.edu/fellowships/nieman-berkman-fellowship-in-journalism-innovation-2/

Deutsche Welle offers intensive training

Journalists with knowledge of English, German and other languages can apply for the program.

DW Akademie is accepting applications for its 18-month traineeship. The program offers a mix of academic study and on-the-job learning.

The selected candidates spend the first six months participating in theory and practice-oriented seminars. The next nine months are spent in various Deutsche Welle editorial departments in Bonn, Berlin, and one of the organization’s foreign bureaus in Brussels, Washington or Moscow. Trainees spend an additional month atDeutschlandradio.

Trainees earn a starting salary of EUR1,590 (US$2,014) per month and receive two raises over the course of the program. They also receive one month of vacation.

Applicants must have professional proficiency in English or German. Journalists who are native speakers of another language that is part of DW’s language services — especially Arabic, Chinese, Farsi, French, Russian or Spanish — are encouraged to apply.

The deadline is Oct. 31.

For more information, click here: http://www.dw.de/dw-akademie/traineeship/s-12130

Tajik Interior Minister Calls Opposition Group ‘Criminals’

By RFE/RL’s Tajik Service

DUSHANBE — Tajikistan’s top police official has called an opposition group that apparently planned an antigovernment demonstration in Dushanbe this week «criminals,» while prosecutors have pressed for a ban on the organization and police detained relatives of one of its activists.

The moves follow the widespread blockage of Internet access in the Central Asian nation and seemed to herald a crackdown on Group 24, an opposition movement whose leader, Umarali Quvatov, left Tajikistan in 2012.

Speaking to the Russian news agency TASS on October 7, Interior Minister Ramazan Rahimzoda said the leaders of Group 24 were «criminals living abroad, who are wanted in Tajikistan for various crimes.»

On the same day, a statement from the Tajik Prosecutor-General’s Office said it had accused Quvatov’s group of an attempt to overthrow the government and urged the Supreme Court to ban it as an extremist organization.

Media reports in Tajikistan said Group 24 was behind recent online calls for Tajiks to gather for a protest on October 10 in downtown Dushanbe, the capital.

Websites Blocked

The reports link the protest calls with the blockage of hundreds of websites including Facebook, YouTube, and popular Russian social networks in Tajikistan.

The sites have been inaccessible across the country since October 5.

Officials at the state Communications Service say they have nothing to do with the Internet blockage.

On October 7, police in the southern Farhor District detained relatives of Group 24 activist Sharofiddin Gadoev, a cousin and business associate of Quvatov who has been living in self-imposed exile in Spain since November 2013.

Gadoev’s relatives told RFE/RL that police detained Gadoev’s parents, a sister and a brother-in-law.

Last year, Tajik authorities charged Quvatov with involvement in a $1.2 million fraud case in absentia.

Quvatov, a successful businessman, used to have close ties to the family of Tajik President Emomali Rahmon.

But he left Tajikistan for Moscow in 2012 and established Group 24 to oppose Rahmon.

Quvatov’s current whereabouts are unknown.

With reporting by TASS

http://www.rferl.org/content/ramazan-rahimzoda-tajikistan-internet-quvatov-opposition/26624315.html

Azerbaijani Journalist Fears Arrest As Part Of Continuing Crackdown

By Robert Coalson

An Azerbaijani investigative journalist has been told that she faces arrest upon her return to Baku from a trip to meet with members of the Parliamentary Assembly of Europe (PACE) in Strasbourg.

Khadija Ismayilova, who is known for her extensive reporting on the business interests of the family of Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev and who hosts a daily program for RFE/RL’s Azerbaijani Service, said a criminal libel case has been opened against her and she has been ordered to appear in court on October 3.

«I have been warned that, upon returning from my trip, I will be facing arrest and maybe this is another way to warn me,» she told RFE/RL in a telephone interview. «I believe they want me either not to go back to Azerbaijan or to be scared and not be loud about things in Azerbaijan. They have to understand that this is not the way to deal with me.»

Ismayilova sees the case as part of a broader crackdown against civil society that has been going on in Azerbaijan since Baku took over the chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in May. According to local rights activists, there are currently 98 political prisoners in Azerbaijan, including 14 independent journalists and bloggers.

The case against Ismayilova centers on a purported document that she posted on social media alleging that the Azerbaijani secret services used an explicit, illegally filmed sex tape to blackmail an opposition activist into informing on other opposition figures.

Ismayilova says she deleted the name and all references to the individual in question, but he has nonetheless filed a criminal-libel complaint against her.

‘Disabled’ Civil Society 

She says her purpose was to expose the government’s use of this tactic.

«The Ministry of National Security of Azerbaijan and the special services of Azerbaijan are notorious for using secretly filmed sexual-life tapes against their critics,» she told RFE/RL. «It has been used against me. It has been used against others. For me, this criminal case will be an opportunity to highlight this [practice] in Azerbaijan.»

«I am not avoiding prosecution,» Ismayilova said. «I am eager to go and I really look forward to having a loud discussion about the methods the special services of Azerbaijan are using against their critics.»

Last year, a website connected with the ruling Yeni Azerbaijan Party published an article under the headline «Khadija’s Armenian Mother Should Die» that included the name of the neighborhood in Baku where Ismayilova’s mother lives. It also included the address of Ismayilova’s sister, who was accused of being a «pimp» involved in «sex trafficking» in Turkey.

In 2012, an illegally obtained explicit video of her was published on the Internet.

Ismayilova says that her lawyer is among those who have been jailed during the crackdown and the Baku-based Media Rights Institute, which has been defending her, has been effectively shut down.

«Institutionally, civil society has been disabled in Azerbaijan,» she said. «There are a few individuals left, and they are trying to silence these individuals by these means.»

She added that she traveled to Strasbourg because all the rights activists who met with European parliamentarians in previous years have either been jailed or are in hiding.

«Khadija’s role in Azerbaijani civil society cannot be overstated,» says former U.S. diplomat and independent rights activist Rebecca Vincent in an email interview. «She is a fearless investigative journalist, one of the few in the country willing to examine taboo topics such as corruption among the ruling elite.»

«Khadija’s arrest would be a major blow to the already embattled independent media and human rights community,» she added.

Ismayilova says she will not consider remaining abroad.

«I’m going back to Baku because it is my home and I will not let people kick me out of my home,» she said.

http://www.rferl.org/content/azerbaijan-journalist-ismayilova-fears-arrest/26615533.html

Explainer: Can Russia Disconnect From The Internet?

By Luke Johnson

October 02, 2014

After chairing a meeting of the Russian Security Council on October 1, President Vladimir Putininsisted the Kremlin was not planning to limit access to the Internet or put it under total state control.

The authorities would, however, take additional measures to increase cybersecurity and continue to shut down sites promoting extremism, xenophobia, terrorism, and child pornography.

Putin’s comments came amid widespread speculation about possible restrictions on the Internet — or even a complete countrywide unplugging — amid an ongoing crackdown on dissent and escalating tensions with the West over the conflict in Ukraine.

On September 30, the Kremlin said Russia was «rehearsing responses should our esteemed partners decide to switch us off from the Internet,» possibly indicating a greater level of control from the state.

Regardless of Moscow’s intentions, how easy would it be for Russia — or any other country — to unplug from the Internet?

Egypt shut off the country’s Internet for five days in 2011 during the Arab Spring protests. Syria’s Internet was shut off three times in 2011. Nepal and Burma have briefly disconnected, and China shut off access to the Xinjiang region during Uyghur unrest in 2009.

But how easy it is to unplug depends on the number of domestic Internet service providers (ISPs) that have purchased connectivity from another provider outside the country, according to Jim Cowie, chief scientist at Dyn, an Internet performance company. More of these make it more difficult for a government to unplug from the Internet.

«There’s a protective effect because every one of those represents something that you would have to turn off in order to completely sever the country from the Internet,» Cowie says.

Egypt has fewer than 10 of these connections, while Syria has just two. This made it easier for those governments to switch off the Internet.

What are the specifics that make this more or less difficult in Russia?

Russia does not lack for connectivity to the outside world. There are more than 300 companies that have purchased connectivity from outside the country, Cowie says.

The Russian government would have to force all of these providers to shut down to fully sever itself from the Internet. It could be done, but it would take a lot longer and be much more labor-intensive.

What are Russia’s options to restrict Internet usage, short of a shutdown?

An alternative to shutting down the Internet is by filtering content.

Russia has already blocked several opposition websites and passed a law requiring registration by some bloggers.

Moscow has also indicated that foreign Internet companies will have to comply with its laws. Roskomnadzor, Russia’s media regulator, sent a notice to Facebook, Twitter, and Google requiring them to comply with a law to register with the agency and store six months of archives of metadata on Russian soil.

The Russian government could also shut off the Internet in certain regions or cities, says Cowie. The telecommunications giant Rostelecom has been recentralized after a breakup into smaller regional firms in the 1990s, a move that could make a partial shutdown easier.

What are ways that users could get around an Internet shutdown or Internet controls? 

Internet users could turn to their smartphones’ Internet access via 3G if mobile carriers were still operational while ISPs were shuttered.

Dial-up Internet would also be an option for those with an international phone line, albeit at a much-reduced speed — and a much higher cost. European dial-up providers offered their services to Egyptians during its 2011 Internet shutdown and provided connections while Egypt’s ISPs were shuttered.

Short of a full shutdown, there are already technologies available that evade content filtering and monitoring. One already in use is Tor, a network of virtual encrypted tunnels that make a user’s movements opaque to tracking by an ISP or other third party.

In other words, instead of information coming directly from your computer to an opposition website, the information travels across encrypted connections through a series of other servers before reaching the final destination.

http://www.rferl.org/content/can-russia-disconnect-from-the-internet/26617176.html