With attacks against journalists around the world on the rise, it is no surprise that Central Asian journalism is becoming ever more dangerous.

The recent brazen murders of two Bishkek-based journalists have shocked human rights groups that seek to pressure Central Asian governments into investigating such crimes and bringing the guilty to justice.

It is increasingly clear, however, that those governments themselves are behind much of the violence, leaving any hopes that justice will prevail futile.

The two journalists — 40-year-old Gennady Pavlyuk (pen name Ibragim Rustambek) and 27-year-old Sayat Shulembaev — were brutally murdered in Almaty in December. Pavlyuk’s hands and feet were bound and he was thrown out of a sixth-floor apartment window on December 16; he died six days later of his injuries. Shulembaev was stabbed to death in an Almaty apartment on December 26.

The office of Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiev has issued a statement affirming that «Kyrgyzstan’s law-enforcement agencies are doing their best to make sure that every attack on journalists is thoroughly investigated.» But little in the way of competent police investigation followed earlier such pledges from Central Asian governments.

Possible Motives

Pavlyuk, who worked closely with the Kyrgyz opposition and exposed high-level corruption in his writing, was planning to establish an opposition publication with the support of Bakiev’s rivals in the opposition Ata-Meken party. Shulembaev had been reporting on Pavlyuk’s murder before being killed himself.

Though the Kyrgyz government maintains that the murders were not «connected to any kind of political motivation,» the spate of recent attacks, combined with the stiffening of media laws across the region, suggests that the Kyrgyz regime, like its counterparts in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan, is willing to take drastic measures — even beyond its own borders — to silence criticism.

Earlier in 2009, a Kyrgyz journalist was reportedly beaten to death by eight policemen in the southern town of Osh while trying to renew his passport, and three journalists were attacked in Bishkek the same week that Pavlyuk was killed. Reporters Without Borders believes those attacks were part of a broader effort to intimidate journalists close to opposition parties. Despite official Kyrgyz assurances, no one has yet been arrested or charged with any of those crimes.

Furthermore, in a case that received some attention in the Western press, ethnic Uzbek journalist Alisher Saipov was gunned down in Osh in October 2007. Many believe that assassination was carried out by Uzbek security forces operating illegally in Kyrgyzstan in retaliation for articles Saipov had published exposing high-level Uzbek government corruption. The failure to solve the Saipov case casts serious doubt on official claims that the Kyrgyz authorities are «doing their best to make sure» that such attacks are properly investigated.

Finding The Killers

It is logical that Kazakhstan should bear the primary responsibility for tracking down those who killed Pavlyuk and Shulembaev, especially since it recently took over the chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and, among other things, has pledged to uphold the human rights component of the OSCE charter.
Although the Kazakh government has identified suspects in the murders of Pavlyuk and Shulembaev, they have yet to release any detailed information about their investigation, and it is unclear if they are willing to coordinate their efforts with the Kyrgyz authorities. And judging by Kazakhstan’s cavalier attitude toward suggested media and political reform in its run-up to taking over the OSCE chairmanship on January 1, as well as its controversial sentencing of leading human rights activist Yevgeny Zhovtis to a four-year prison term last fall, human rights advocates and Central Asian journalists should not expect a thorough and conclusive investigation nor much cooperation between Kazakh and Kyrgyz authorities.

Based on past experience, the likelihood that the two countries will undertake a joint investigation is slim. Central Asian governments have proved to be extremely reluctant to coordinate efforts of any kind, with intense personal rivalries between the authoritarian leaders in the region often trumping economic or security concerns.

Furthermore, there are few incentives to induce either Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan to pursue the murder investigation systematically. First, the leaders of both countries are aware that they are unlikely to incur serious criticism from either the U.S. or other members of the international community for their failure to do so. Washington’s primary interest, despite its rhetoric regarding universal human rights and support for freedom of expression and the rule of law, remains maintaining oil and gas contracts in energy-rich Central Asia, as well as over-flight and basing rights for its Afghan campaign, including use of the Manas Air Base located just outside Bishkek

And second, if such criticism is forthcoming, the two countries could respond by accusing the West of double standards. After all, neighboring Russia and China routinely violate human rights even more egregiously.

Test Cases

Nonetheless, the Pavlyuk and Shulembaev murders are the first test of Kazakhstan’s affirmed resolve to comply with OSCE standards, and the success or failure of the murder investigations will color perceptions of Kazakhstan’s chairmanship of the OSCE.

Sadly, however, with violence directed toward Central Asian journalists increasing and pressure from western governments to stem it half-hearted at best, it is likely that the Kazakh government will opt for doing very little to solve the case and the treacherous trend will continue, with disastrous consequences for freedom of expression in the region.

«The recent attacks — and now death — of our colleagues make it extremely difficult for the rest of us to do our jobs,» says Marat Tokaev, a leading Kyrgyz advocate for journalists’ rights. «Most of the time, the attacks go unpunished and this creates an atmosphere of hopelessness and fear.»

Unfortunately, such an atmosphere sits perfectly well with Central Asian authoritarians unwilling to tolerate the slightest criticism of their repressive rule.

J.G. Cefalo is a regional analyst formerly based in Almaty. The views expressed in this commentary are the author’s own, and do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL

J.G. Cefalo, Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Journalists_In_Central_Asia_Struggle/1928436.html

A prominent voice of political dissent in Kyrgyzstan was silenced today when opposition journalist Gennady Pavlyuk died from injuries sustained when he fell from a high-rise building in Kazakhstan.

Investigators are treating his death as a murder.

Pavlyuk’s body was discovered outside an apartment block in Almaty on December 16 with multiple injuries, including a cracked skull and broken ribs. His feet and hands were bound behind his back with duct tape.

Pavlyuk worked for several newspapers in Kyrgyzstan, including as editor in chief of the Bishkek edition of the Russian weekly «Argumenty i fakty» and for the Russian «Komsomolskaya Pravda v Kirgizii.» Pavlyuk, an ethnic Russian, often wrote under his Kyrgyz penname, Ibragim Rustamek.

The 51-year-old never regained consciousness following the attack, remaining in a coma in an Almaty hospital until his death.

Attack On Press Freedom

Supporters have described Pavlyuk’s murder as an attack on press freedom and follows a spate of violent incidents against Kyrgyz journalists and civil society representatives this year.

His work as an opposition supporter and outspoken critic of the Kyrgyz government has led to speculation that his death was related to his work.
He was reportedly planning to launch an online publication called atameken.kg, the same name as the Kyrgyz opposition party Ata-Meken.

Ata-Meken leader Omurbek Tekebaev has reportedly said he held a meeting with Pavlyuk earlier this month and that the «plan to set up the publication was in place.»

However, Tekebaev insists that atameken.kg was going to be an independent, «patriotic» website, not an official party newspaper as some media have reported.

«I think this is a politically motivated crime,» he said on December 21. «It’s yet another attack in order to restrict freedom of speech in Kyrgyzstan.»

“During the past several months,» Tekebaev told RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service, Pavlyuk «published several articles and interviews in which he criticized the current Kyrgyz authorities, explaining the real meaning of their newly initiated reforms.»

Lured Away?

Police are reportedly considering Pavlyuk’s «professional activities» among the possible motives for the crime, although it remains unclear what brought the journalist to Kazakhstan.
Tekebaev suggests that Pavlyuk «was possibly lured away to the neighboring country to eliminate him there.»

The Kyrgyz government has come under increased criticism following a number of attacks on journalists and political activists this year.

Ilim Karypbekov, chief spokesman for the Kyrgyz president’s secretariat, acknowledged the problem during an interview with RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service today.

«You are right. Recently, attacks on journalists, the use of force against them in the Kyrgyz Republic have increased,» Karypbekov said. «It’s a very sad thing, but if we look at [police actions], they are trying hard to investigate these cases. And even though we can’t say they are always successful, they are trying.»

The attack on Pavlyuk marked the third incident involving journalists working in Kyrgyzstan in December alone.

Aleksandr Evgrafov, a correspondent for Russia’s Rosbalt news agency in Bishkek, was beaten up in the Kyrgyz capital earlier this month.

Days later, an envelope carrying a threatening message and a shell from a Kalashnikov was sent to the “Osh Sami” newspaper in the southern Kyrgyz city of Osh.

The parliament’s Social Democratic faction said on December 21 that at least 60 attacks on journalists have taken place in the country since 2006.

Independent journalists Alisher Saipov and Almaz Tashiev were murdered in 2007 and 2009, respectively.

At least six journalists have left the country over the past three years and sought political asylum abroad because they said they feared for their lives.

Farangis Najibullah (RFE/RL)

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Violent_Death_Of_Kyrgyz_Journalist_Follows_A_Disturbing_Pattern/1910726

Round-Up 2009: Wars and disputed elections: The most dangerous stories for journalists / Bilan 2009 : Guerres et élections contestées : sujets les plus dangereux pour les journalistes

Reporters Without Borders / Reporters sans frontières

Round-Up 2009

30 December 2009

Press freedom in 2009

76 journalists killed (60 in 2008)
33 journalists kidnapped
573 journalists arrested
1456 physically assaulted
570 media censored
157 journalists fled their countries
1 blogger died in prison
151 bloggers and cyber-dissidents arrested
61 physically assaulted
60 countries affected by online censorship

Full report: http://www.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/Bilan_2009_GB_BD.pdf

Wars and disputed elections: The most dangerous stories for journalists

Two appalling events marked 2009: one was the largest ever massacre of journalists in a single day – a total of 30 killed – by the private militia of a governor in the southern Philippines and the other was an unprecedented wave of arrests and convictions of journalists and bloggers in Iran following President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s disputed reelection.

A total of around 160 journalists in all continents were forced to go into exile to escape prison or death, often in very dangerous circumstances. The Iranian press photographers crossing the Turkish border to escape arrest or the Somali radio journalists fleeing to neighbouring countries to avoid certain death had all reported essential news and information that some people would go to any lengths to suppress.

Wars and elections constituted the chief threat to journalists in 2009. It is becoming more and more risky to cover wars as journalists themselves are being targeted and face the possibility of being murdered or kidnapped. But it can turn out to be just as dangerous to do your job as a reporter at election time and can lead directly to prison or hospital. Violence before and after elections was particularly prevalent in 2009 in countries with poor democratic credentials.

No one should be surprised that, as bloggers and websites continue to flourish, censorship and repression have surged proportionately. There is almost no country nowadays that has entirely escaped this phenomenon. As soon as the Internet or new media (social networking, mobile phones etc) start to play a leading role in the spread of news and information, a serious clampdown follows. Bloggers are now watched as closely as journalists from the traditional media.

Our major concern in 2009 has been the mass exodus of journalists from repressive countries such as Iran and Sri Lanka. The authorities in these countries have understood that by pushing journalists into exile, they can drastically reduce pluralism of ideas and the amount of criticism they attract. “This is a dangerous tendency and it must be very strongly condemned,” Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said as this review of 2009 was released.

Number of journalists killed up by 26 per cent

Almost every journalist killed in 2009 died in their own country. The exception was Franco-Spanish documentary film-maker Christian Poveda, who was murdered in El Salvador. “Less known to international public opinion than the foreign correspondents, it is these local journalists who pay the highest price every year to guarantee our right to be informed about wars, corruption or the destruction of the environment,” Julliard said.

The year began very badly with the Israeli military offensive in the Gaza Strip. As well as refusing to allow foreign media into this territory, the Israeli government carried out military strikes against buildings housing media, in violation of international humanitarian law. Two reporters were killed in these attacks. Journalists and human rights defenders in the Russian Caucasus went through a terrifying year. The witnesses to the dirty war waged by Moscow and its local allies to be “eliminated” with complete impunity included Natalia Estemirova in Chechnya and Malik Akhmedilov in Dagestan.
Radical Islamist groups caused the death of at least 15 journalists worldwide. Nine reporters were killed in Somalia, where the Al-Shabaab militia carried out constant targeted killings and suicide attacks. Four of these journalists worked for Radio Shabelle, which does its best to provide news amidst the surrounding chaos. Reporters in Pakistan have increasingly been targeted by the Taliban in the northwest of the country.

Kidnappings have also continued to rise. Most cases are concentrated in Afghanistan, Mexico and Somalia. New York Times journalist David Rohde and his fixer managed to escape from the Taliban but Afghan reporter Sultan Munadi was killed in the military operation launched to rescue him.

“Three years have passed since the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1738 on the protection of journalists in conflict zones but governments still seem incapable of protecting reporters,” Reporters Without Borders said.

Other forms of violence, physical assaults and threats have gone up by a third (from 929 cases in 2008 to 1,456 in 2009). Journalists are most at risk in the Americas (501 cases), particularly when they expose drug-trafficking or local potentates. Asia comes next with 364 cases of this kind, chiefly in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal. The number of censored media is escalating alarmingly with nearly 570 cases of newspapers, radio or TV stations banned from putting out news or forced to close. This happened to a satirical magazine in Malaysia, a score of reformist newspapers in Iran, Radio France Internationale in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the BBC World Service in Rwanda.

The number of journalists arrested fell slightly (from 673 in 2008 to 573 in 2009) above all because there were fewer cases in Asia. The largest number of cases was in the Middle East.

Election violence

The 30 journalists killed in the Mindanao Island bloodbath in Philippines had been covering an attempt by a local governor’s opponent to run as a candidate for regional elections in 2010. Tunisian journalist Taoufik Ben Brik was imprisoned in the days following President Ben Ali’s reelection, while his colleague, Slim Boukhdhir, was brutally assaulted. Several journalists were attacked and others received death threats in Gabon following President Ali Bongo’s reelection. Around six media were also temporarily shut down for reporting on the post-election violence and criticising members of the new government. Protests about President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s controversial reelection in Iran prompted a horrifying wave of repression against the media.

Pluralist elections that should be a symbol of democracy and free expression can turn into a nightmare for journalists. State media are too often prevented from giving fair and balanced coverage of all the candidates’ campaigns. Such was the case during the contentious Afghan elections and the travesty of an election in Equatorial Guinea. The most committed journalists can be exposed to reprisals from a rival camp. Media access is not always properly observed, as evidenced in provincial polling in the Tamil areas of Sri Lanka.

The most serious problems arise when results are announced. Overwhelmed by an opposition movement that was relayed online and in the reformist press, Ahmadinejad’s supporters launched an ultra-violent crackdown on hundreds of journalists and bloggers, accusing them of being spies in the pay of foreigners or bent on destabilising the country.

The courage shown by journalists this year before and after elections earned them periods in custody, mistreatment and prison sentences that were in some cases extremely harsh. These post-election crackdowns should stimulate the international community to seek better ways of protecting the press after rigged election results are announced.

“This wave of violence bodes ill for 2010, when crucial elections are scheduled in Côte d’Ivoire, Sri Lanka, Burma, Iraq and the Palestinian Territories” said Reporters Without Borders, which often carries out media monitoring during election campaigns.

More than 100 bloggers and cyber-dissidents imprisoned

For the first time since the Internet’s emergence, Reporters Without Borders is aware of more than 100 bloggers and cyber-dissidents being imprisoned worldwide for posting their opinions online. This figure is indicative above all of the scale of the crackdown being carried out in around ten countries. Several countries have turned online expression into a criminal offence, dashing hopes of a censorship-free Internet.
The Internet has been the driving force for pro-democracy campaigns in Iran, China and elsewhere. It is above all for this reason that authoritarian governments have shown themselves so determined to severely punish Internet users. This is the case with two Azerbaijani bloggers, who were sentenced to two years in prison for making a film mocking the political elite.

Although China continued to be the leading Internet censor in 2009, Iran, Tunisia, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, Vietnam and Uzbekistan have also resorted to frequent blocking of websites and blogs and surveillance of online expression. The Turkmen Internet remains under total state control.
This year, bloggers and ordinary citizens expressing themselves online have been assaulted, threatened or arrested as the popularity of social-networking and interactive websites has soared. Egyptian blogger Kareem Amer is still in jail, while the famous Burmese comedian Zarganar still has 34 years of his prison sentence to serve. The approximately 120 victims of Internet policing also include such leading figures in the defence of online free expression as China’s Hu Jia and Liu Xiaobo and Vietnam’s Nguyen Trung and Dieu Cay.

The financial crisis has joined the list of subjects likely to provoke censorship, particularly online. In South Korea, a blogger was wrongfully detained for commenting on the country’s disastrous economic situation. Around six netizens in Thailand were arrested or harassed just for making a connection between the king’s health and a fall in the Bangkok stock exchange. Censorship was slapped on the media in Dubai when it came for them to report on the country’s debt repayment problems.

Democratic countries have not lagged far behind. Several European countries are working on new steps to control the Internet in the name of the battle against child porn and illegal downloads. Australia has said it will set up a compulsory filtering system that poses a threat to freedom of expression. Turkey’s courts have increased the number of websites, including YouTube, that are blocked for criticising the republic’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.

“The number of countries affected by online censorship has doubled from one year to the next – a disturbing tendency that shows an increase in control over new media as millions of netizens get active online,” said Lucie Morillon, head of the Internet and Freedoms Desk. “That is why Reporters Without Borders will launch a new campaign against the Enemies of the Internet on 12 March.”

Media on trial

At least 167 journalists are in prison around the world at the end of 2009. One would need to go back to the 1990s to find so many of them in jail. Although the UN special rapporteur on freedom of expression keeps reiterating that imprisonment is a disproportionate punishment for press offences, many governments keep laws that allow them to jail journalists, and continue to abuse these laws. The sentences given to journalists in Cuba, China, Sri Lanka and Iran are as harsh as those imposed for terrorism or violent crime.

Imprisonment and brutality are too often the only way authorities react to journalists. At least one journalist is assaulted or arrested every day in the Middle East. More than 60 journalists were physically attacked or arrested in Iraq in 2009. In the Palestinian Territories, more than 50 journalists were detained by Hamas in the Gaza Strip and by Fatah in the West Bank.

Africa and Asia were neck and neck in the numbers of journalists detained. More than 10 journalists were arrested in 2009 in Niger, Gambia and Somalia, while Eritrea maintained its dubious distinction of jailing the most journalists in Africa, with 32 of them behind bars. In Asia, arrests are thankfully down, but the Chinese and Pakistani security forces continue to arrest foreign or local journalists when they crossed the “red lines” they are supposed to observe.

The 28 June coup in Honduras, which was backed by the conservative press, resulted in the persecution of journalists suspected of sympathizing with the ousted president, Manuel Zelaya, and the suspension or permanent closure of their media. Finally, Cuba drew attention to itself again this year with at least 24 arrests and two new long jail sentences, bringing to 25 the number of journalists in prison.

When the powerful are not arresting journalists, they are harassing them by constantly dragging them before the courts. One editor in Algeria, Omar Belhouchet, was summoned before judges 15 times in 2009. The opposition press in Turkey and Morocco have been bombarded with law suits, which almost always lead to convictions or closures because the courts are more inclined to favour the plaintiff than the media.

Choosing exile to stay Alive

For the first time, the Reporters Without Borders annual roundup includes figures for journalists who have been forced to leave their countries because of threats to their lives or liberty. A total of 157 journalists went into exile in the past year, often in very harsh conditions. Among the countries where the exodus of journalists and bloggers was particularly dramatic were Iran, with more than 50 fleeing, and Sri Lanka, with 29. In Africa, some 50 journalists fled the chaos in Somalia while scores of Eritreans sought refuge abroad for fear of being targeted for reprisals by the continent’s worst dictatorship. Journalists also fled Guinea, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mexico, Colombia and Ethiopia.

This new measure is an indication of the level of fear that exists within the media in some countries. Journalists encounter many hazards as they go into exile and seek an uncertain future. Some wait months, even years, to get protection and possible resettlement.

Reporters Without Borders / Reporters sans fronti&

Источник: http://www.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/Bilan_2009_GB_BD.pdf

Att.: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Uzbekistan, Ministry of Interior, Republic of Uzbekistan, International Organizations involved with Human Rights Protection

Appeal

On December 17th, 2009 several informational agencies reported about the agitation regarding the criminal case against one of the most well-known Central Asian photographers, Umida Ahmedova. According to the disseminated information, Umida Ahmedova is accused of “insult and slander of the Uzbek nation”. Reason of the presented accusation is a photo album, “Women and Men: From Sunrise to Sunset”, which was published with the support of the Swiss Embassy to Uzbekistan.

It is important to mention that freedom of expression is one of the key criteria of any state governed by the rule of law. Judging any artwork should be done by experts and viewers and not by forces of any official organs. Art is not equal with social and political journalism and cannot be viewed as a “document” in legal sense, therefore it cannot be an agent of “slander”.

Photographs of Umida Ahmedova possess obvious artistic value and are considered as Central Asian cultural asserts by international professional community. The government should be proud of the creativity of the talented photographer and not threaten her with criminal persecution.

Umida Ahmedova is known as an advocate of documentary photography and cinema. Her lens follows the lives of the people in Uzbekistan, their rites and customs; her attention is given to simple people and their everyday behavior. Images, taken by Umida Ahmedova, are not fantasies and not caricatures. They authentically capture that side of life, which people of Uzbekistan face daily; every passerby on the streets, guests at weddings and other family celebrations. Accusation of these easily recognizable captions with “slander” and “insult” can only be done by those who know the life of the Uzbek nation only through reports of official TV channels and through emasculated images of official art.

The example of Umida Ahmedova shows that there is a quality crisis in the consciousness of authorities. From ideological intrusion of their clichés to the society, they turn to legal pressure. Facts of life, which are not corresponding to the official ideology, are suppressed and their representation in arts falls under prosecutors’ inspection. If this present process is not stopped, any photo that is taken on the Uzbek streets can become pretext for legal pursuit.

By signing this appeal, we demand that the Uzbek government complies with the rules of the Republic and respects the right of the artist to free creativity. Umida Ahmedova did not take pictures of secret objects, did not defame governmental symbols and did not “slander” the Uzbek nation. Discussion of artworks should take place on pages of magazines and newspapers and not in the court hall.

We are also turning to the international community, heads of diplomatic missions and human rights organizations. The Uzbek Justice is making a dangerous turn, the consequences of which can be unpredictable. We must do everything possible so that it does not become worse!

Министерству иностранных дел Республики Узбекистан
Министерству внутренних дел Республики Узбекистан
Международным организациям по защите прав человека

Обращение

17 декабря 2009 года ряд информационных агентств сообщили о возбуждении уголовного дела против одного из самых известных фотографов Центральной Азии Умиды Ахмедовой. Согласно распространяемой информации, Умида Ахмедова обвиняется в «оскорблении и клевете на узбекский народ». Поводом для предъявленного обвинения послужил фотоальбом «Женщины и мужчины: от рассвета до заката», изданный в 2007 году при поддержке посольства Швейцарии.

Хотелось бы напомнить, что свобода самовыражения художника является одним из ключевых критериев правового государства. Право и возможность судить о произведении искусства, оценивать его или критиковать принадлежит экспертам и зрителям, а не карательной системе. С юридической точки зрения, искусство не может быть расценено как «документ» и потому не может являться агентом «клеветы».

Фотографии Умиды Ахмедовой обладают очевидной художественной ценностью и пользуются международным признанием. Многие международные эксперты полагают, что они являются центрально-азиатским культурным достоянием. Государству следует гордиться творчеством талантливого фото-художника, а не угрожать ему уголовным преследованием.

Образы, созданные Умидой Ахмедовой, не являются ни фантазией, ни тем более карикатурой. Они достоверно фиксируют те стороны жизни, с которыми ежедневно сталкивается каждый житель Узбекистана, каждый прохожий на улице, гость на свадебном ритуале или другом семейном празднике. Обвинить эту легкоузнаваемую фиксацию в «клевете» и «оскорблении» может лишь тот, кто знакомится с жизнью народа Узбекистана по сводкам официального телевидения и выхолощенным образам официального искусства.

Процесс, уготованный Умиде Ахмедовой, свидетельствует о важном переломе в сознании власти. От идеологического навязывания своих клише обществу она переходит к юридическому прессингу. Факты жизни, не соответствующие официальной идеологии, сегодня замалчиваются, а их воспроизведение в искусстве – подпадает под прокурорский надзор. Если данный процесс не будет остановлен, любой фотоснимок, сделанный на узбекской улице, сможет стать предлогом к судебному преследованию.

Подписываясь под данным обращением, мы требуем от узбекских властей соблюдать законы республики и уважать право художника на свободное творчество. Умида Ахмедова не фотографировала секретные объекты, не порочила государственные символы и, конечно, не «клеветала» на узбекский народ. Обсуждение художественных произведений должно протекать на страницах газет и журналов, а не в зале суда.

Мы также обращаемся к международному сообществу, главам дипломатических миссий и правозащитным организациям. Узбекская Фемида совершает опасный крен, последствия которого могут стать непредсказуемыми. Мы должны сделать все возможное, чтобы не допустить худшего!

Bactria Cultural Center in Dushanbe

Источник: www.bactria.net

Ferghana.Ru found out that the criminal cases on article 139 («slander») and 140 («insult») were filed against prominent Tashkent-based photographer and documentary film maker Umida Akhmedova in Uzbekistan. The maximum punishment assumes 2-3 year community works or 6 month arrest.

According to Umida Akhmedova, the Mirabad district regional department of internal affairs (RDIA) captain Nodir Akhmadzhanov informed her that criminal cases on slander and insult of Uzbek people were filed against her; the case was initiated by Uzbek Agency for press and information against the authors, cooperating with Swiss Embassy Gender Program in the production of books and movies. Akhmedova is incriminated in the production of «Women and men: from dawn till dusk» photo album, produced in 2007 under support of Swiss Embassy Gender Program. The album consists of 110 pictures, reflecting lifestyle in Uzbekistan.

The investigator explained Umida Akhmedova that the case against her was produced, based on conclusions of Tashkent public prosecutor’s office experts, noting that the album «is the insult and slander of Uzbek people». At the same time, it is absolutely unclear which photo (not the photomontage, not the screen version) may be «slander» or «insult». It is also not clear who and when authorized Uzbek agency for press and information, the state structure, to represent the outraged honor of Uzbek people.

Umida Akhmedova shared first time she was called by police on November 17. Captain Nodir Akhmadzhanov invited her to Mirabad RDIA to give the report of witness on her «Women and men: from dawn to dusk» album. The investigator interviewed Umida for two hours and asked questions, related to Akhmedova’s participation in the production of photo album and as such movies as «Men and women: rites and ritual» and «The burden of virginity».

«He does not even know what the ethnography is – Umida Akhmedova told Ferghana.Ru – I said I did ethnography. He asked «What is that?» I said «In my work I am mainly interested in the ethnographic side of people’s lifestyle. I photograph ethnic rites, traditions and weddings. Where is the slander? The question remained without answer».

The next conversation with Captain Nodir Akhmadzhanov took place on December 16. The investigator said that since Umida was the author of the album, from now on she would be the suspect; he also advised her to find the lawyer.
Note. Umida Akhmedova was born in the town of Parkent, the Tashkent Oblast of Uzbekistan. In 1986 she graduated from photography department of All-Soviet State Institute of Cinematography (ASSIC) in Moscow, becoming first female cameraman in Uzbekistan. As a cameraman director she produced at least 10 movies. In the mid 1990s she turned to photography only.

In 2003-2005 Tbilisi hosted her personal exhibitions within the framework of Gender and Mass Media International Conference. In 2004 she won «Modern photography in Central Asia» grand prize at Inter-Press-Photo contest in Russia. In 2006 she organized personal photo exhibition in Copenhagen. Umida also worked on such documentaries as «Men and women: rites and rituals» and «The burden of virginity»; the latter produced ambiguous reaction and big scandal in Uzbekistan.

Fergana.ru

Источник: http://enews.ferghana.ru/article.php?id=2597

Aspiring veterinarian Rahmatullo Nazarov was at work at a poultry farm on the outskirts of Dushanbe in late November when he received the news he had been waiting for.

It came in the form of a verdict from the European Court of Human Rights, which ruled in favor of the 29-year-old Tajik citizen’s complaint against Russia.

Nazarov had turned to the Strasbourg-based court to seek justice for the inhumane treatment he suffered while imprisoned in Russia for three years on drug charges. The court supported Nazarov’s claims that his right to freedom and personal security had been violated, and ordered Russia to pay more than 18,000 euros ($27,000) in compensation.

Nazarov tells RFE/RL’s Tajik Service that the ruling marks the first step toward justice and the restoration of his honor.

«The same people who turned their backs on me came to tell me: ‘We heard the radio reports and want to congratulate you on your court victory and ask for forgiveness. Sorry we had bad thoughts about you,’” Nazarov says. “This was my first victory.»

Nazarov waited nearly six years for that victory.

He recalls that in April 2004 he had only three months left to go to complete the postgraduate studies in Russia that would make him a veterinary surgeon. But his dream was derailed when he was arrested on the streets of Vladimir, located 200 kilometers east of Moscow, and charged with the possession of a large amount of drugs.

According to the verdict of the European Court of Human Rights, Nazarov was placed in custody on the basis that «he had been charged with a serious crime and that, if he remained at liberty, he could have absconded or interfered with the investigation or continued his unlawful activities.»

Nazarov’s pretrial detention went on for 23 months. When his trial in a Russian court finally began, prosecutors sought a nine-year prison sentence on charges of dealing drugs. He eventually was found guilty of lesser possession charges and sentenced to three years in prison, minus the nearly two years he had already served.

Nazarov says he endured threats, beatings, and terrible conditions in prison, but maintained his innocence throughout.

«I knew that I was innocent, even though the Russian investigators wanted [to prove] the contrary,” Nazarov says. “This allowed me to cope with all the terrible conditions, hunger, and a lack of water in prison and to survive those inhumane conditions.”

“It was very difficult for me, for a child of an educated family, a postgraduate student, to fall from such a high position,” he says. “Sometimes we had just one bed for three or four inmates and we slept on it in turns.»

Long Search For Justice

Nazarov filed complaints with various Russian courts in an attempt to clear his name.

When none of his complaints were successful, he turned to the European Court of Human Rights, one of the most powerful checks on governmental abuse in Europe. As a member of the Council of Europe, which oversees the court, Russia is obliged to obey its rulings.

Tracey Turner-Tretz, a spokeswoman for the Strasbourg court, tells RFE/RL that Nazarov’s complaint centered on the poor conditions he endured while in pretrial detention, the excessive length of his custody as he awaited trial, and Russian judicial authorities’ failure to examine his appeals in a speedy fashion.

«The court found Russia breached Article 3 and 5 [of the European Convention on Human Rights] on all the counts invoked by Mr. Nazarov and awarded him 15,000 euros nonpecuniary damage and 3,500 euros for costs and expenses,» Turner-Tretz explains.

Nazarov’s lawyer, Mikhail Ovchinnikov, tells RFE/RL that he and his client are satisfied with the court’s decision, made on November 26. Ovchinnikov expects Russia to pay the settlement after 90 days.

The Russian side “can appeal to the Grand Chamber, but such appeals are not usually upheld,” Ovchinnikov said. “We bear in mind that all the judges ruled in favor of Nazarov, so we are sure that this victory is final.»

Not An Uncommon Story

After being freed from Russian prison in 2007, Nazarov returned to Tajikistan. Today he is married and has a young daughter.

But in search of justice and the restoration of his honor, Nazarov plans to take one more step — returning to Russia to complete his studies and receive his degree.

Nazarov’s case is not the first time a Tajik citizen has won a ruling against Russia at the European Court of Human Rights.

In 2008, Tajik citizen Doniyor Khudoyorov was awarded 50,000 euros ($75,000) after the court ruled in favor of his complaint stemming from his 1999 arrest in Russia on drug-related charges. Khudoyorov was freed in 2004 after Russian investigators failed to provide evidence to back the charges against him.

The experiences of Nazarov and Khudoyorov in Russia are not unique among Tajiks living in Russia.

Officially, about 300,000 to 400,000 Tajiks travel to Russia for seasonal work as migrants, although unofficial estimates place that number at closer to 1 million.

According to Russian data, about 3,500 Tajik citizens are currently imprisoned in Russia, most charged with drug possession or drug dealing.

Said Boev, a Tajik migrant in Moscow, acknowledges that some Tajiks living in Russia are involved in illegal activities. But he says they are the exception, not the norm, and that in most cases charges against them are groundless.

Boev claims that Russian police target Tajiks because they know they are afraid of the police and are not likely to contest their treatment. «Our citizens never complain to Russian Interior Ministry offices or the Russian authorities. They try to avoid it,» Boev said.

And this, Boev says, makes it easy for the Russian police to prove migrants’ «guilt.»

Iskander Aliev, Khiromon Bakoeva, Tohir Safarov

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Tajik_Wrongly_Imprisoned_In_Russia_Finds_Justice_In_Strasbourg/1895480.

(New York) — The Kyrgyz government should immediately stop harassing human rights monitors doing research in southern Kyrgyzstan, Human Rights Watch said today. On December 2 Kyrgyz authorities denied entry to prominent Tajik human rights defender Nigina Bakhrieva — the third foreign advocate working on southern Kyrgyzstan to be denied entry or deported in 2009.

Bakhrieva, the former head of the Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law in Tajikistan, had been invited to Kyrgyzstan as an independent expert by the Kyrgyz ombudsman’s office. In September, she provided advice about the process for filing individual complaints with the United Nations Human Rights Committee to lawyers representing individuals convicted of criminal charges after a protest in Nookat in 2008.

«Kyrgyzstan is increasingly harassing rights advocates investigating the government’s abusive campaign in southern Kyrgyzstan,» said Andrea Berg, Central Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. «It’s no coincidence that Bakhrieva was denied entry after having been in touch with Nookat lawyers.»

The government has been carrying out a campaign in the south against what it views as Islamic extremism. Residents of Nookat held the protest because they were denied permission to celebrate a Muslim holiday.

Two weeks ago, Kyrgyz authorities summarily deported Bakhrom Hamroev, a human rights defender with the Russian organization Memorial, after he had spent a week conducting research in southern Kyrgyzstan. The Kyrgyz National Security Service detained him for one night and confiscated material he had gathered on alleged human rights violations by Kyrgyz law enforcement and security services in cases of alleged religious extremism and terrorism.

When they detained Hamroev on November 18, Kyrgyz security officials also detained Kyrgyz human rights defender Izzatilla Rakhmatillaev, who had been working with Hamroev. They questioned Rakhmatillaev and released him that evening.

On February 26, Hamroev’s colleague Vitalii Ponomarev, director of Memorial’s Central Asia program, was stopped at the Kyrgyz border and declared persona non grata. Ponomarev was denied entry a month after he published a 24-page report about religious persecution, torture, and other abuse in southern Kyrgyzstan.

Human rights defenders from Kyrgyzstan have told Human Rights Watch that the number of arrests of alleged extremists and terrorists in southern Kyrgyzstan is rising, and have expressed concern about abuses related to these arrests, including: arbitrary detention; torture and other ill-treatment in custody; and violation of fair trial rights. They express concern that the authorities’ harassment and intimidation of human rights defenders has made monitoring the situation more difficult.

For example, since late 2008 the National Security Service has harassed several members of a commission established by the Kyrgyz ombudsman to investigate the situation. National Security Service personnel visited the office of the human rights group, Kylym Shamy, and several times informally questioned the relatives of its director, Aziza Abdurasulova, an outspoken critic of the authorities’ response to the Nookat events. Another member of the commission received repeated phone calls from the National Security Service with requests to meet.

The UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders provides that «for the purpose of promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, …[t]o communicate with non-governmental or intergovernmental organizations.» Additionally, everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to «know, seek, obtain, receive and hold information about all human rights and fundamental freedoms, including having access to information as to how those rights and freedoms are given effect in domestic legislative, judicial or administrative systems.»

«The government’s harassment of local and foreign rights advocates shows why monitoring the anti-extremism campaign is so crucial,» Berg said. «The authorities should stop their repressive tactics and allow unhindered fact-finding and trial monitoring.»

Background on the deportation of Nigina Bakhrieva

Bakhrieva was pulled out of line when she arrived on December 2 from Dushanbe, Tajikistan at the Manas airport in Bishkek. A Border control representative asked her if she had experienced problems with the authorities in September. She replied that she had not, but then the officer told her that she was denied entry to Kyrgyzstan until 2019. When she asked for the reason the officer said «We don’t know. You will fly back now.» Bakhrieva boarded the same airplane back to Dushanbe.

The Kyrgyz immigration service gave Bakhrieva a deportation document stating that she is not allowed to enter Kyrgyzstan, noting persona non grata as the reason. The document notes her arrival and departure dates but does not indicate when the ban on her entry ends.

Background on the Nookat events

The Nookat events stand out in the government’s anti-extremism campaign in the south. On October 1, 2008, Nookat residents protested in front of the municipal building in response to a decision by local authorities prohibiting a public celebration of Eid al-Fitr, a Muslim holiday commonly celebrated throughout Kyrgyzstan. On October 13, 2008, the State Committee for National Security announced that it had detained 32 people whom it alleged were members of Hizb ut-Tahrir, an international Islamic organization that is banned in several countries in the region.

At their trial in late November 2008, 30 of 32 defendants testified that they had been tortured and ill-treated, but the judge neither urged the prosecutor’s office to investigate nor dismissed the evidence allegedly obtained under torture. The defendants were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 9 to 20 years. In May 2009, Kyrgyzstan’s Supreme Court upheld the verdicts, reducing a few sentences slightly. It did not respond to the defendants’ torture allegations.

Human Rights Watch

Источник: http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/12/03/kyrgyzstan-allow-rights-monitors-country

Kazakhstan, Georgia and Azerbaijan all showed significant decreases in corruption over the past year, according to a recently published worldwide survey by a Berlin-based watchdog group. The survey also showed that Armenia’s rating declined, and the rest of the Central Asian states remained near the bottom of the rankings.

Transparency International (TI), which has been measuring global corruption for over a decade, came out with its Corruption Perceptions Index for 2009 on November 17. Central Asia, according to the survey, remained a sinkhole of graft. Perhaps the only bright spot was Kazakhstan, which saw its rating rise from 2.2 in 2008 to 2.7 this year. The rating is measured on a scale from 1 to 10, where 1 is the most corrupt and 10 the least corrupt. The 2.7 score put Kazakhstan in 120th place of the 180 countries surveyed by TI this year.

The other former Soviet Central Asian states did not see their rankings change significantly in 2009 over their slots in previous years. Tajikistan’s rating was 2.0, Kyrgyzstan’s was 1.9 and Turkmenistan’s 1.8. Uzbekistan’s 1.7 put it just six places from the bottom of the table, in 174th place.

According to a TI statement, Kazakhstan’s improvements was linked to «government anti-corruption efforts aimed at improving conditions for foreign direct investment along with the country’s much-discussed upcoming chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010.» It added, however, that «Kazakhstan’s low … score indicates that corruption remains systemic, with the most problematic areas being the judiciary, police, customs, property rights, land registration and construction projects.»

Kazakhstan’s improvement may have to do more with the type of corruption there, rather than the actual amount, said Eric McGlinchey, a Central Asia expert at George Mason University. «The Kazakhstani government is a stable, stationary bandit that extracts rents in predictable ways. Multinationals as well as local enterprises understand the rules of the game; the judiciary, police, customs, etc., are corrupt but they are predictably corrupt,» he said. «In Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan, in contrast, corruption is constant. Yet the nature of this corruption is ever changing. It’s the unpredictability of this corruption that is most maddening.»

The survey gave mixed marks to countries in the Caucasus. Georgia’s ranking increased from 3.9 to 4.1, good for 66th place and the distinction of being the highest ranked country in the Caucasus and Central Asia. «There is a general consensus among Georgians and the international community that petty corruption has been reduced significantly,» the TI report said. «However, concerns remain regarding high-level corruption and on corrupt practices in the judiciary. The government should focus on promoting greater transparency and public trust in agencies with an anti-corruption role, and it should ensure that related reforms are continuously monitored and assessed.»

Azerbaijan’s ranking increased from 1.9 to 2.3 over the last year, and the country’s score might have been higher if TI had taken into account recently released data, the APA news agency in Baku quoted Fuad Alasgarov, a top anti-corruption official in the government, as saying.

«In June 2009, President Ilham Aliyev issued a decree on strengthening measures against corruption in the management of public and municipal properties. Criminal prosecution for corruption was strengthened and concrete results were achieved,» he said. TI said the improved ranking was mainly «a result of the government’s commitment to improve the business environment and increased general awareness about the importance of curbing corruption.» The report also lauded the work of local anti-corruption non-governmental organizations in Azerbaijan for raising public awareness about problems.

Armenia’s score decreased slightly over the past year, from 2.9 to 2.7. «The political and economic elite continue to exert control over the judiciary, media, business and other institutions,» TI stated.

«Continued inconsistency in implementation of anti-corruption legislation, and in meeting international obligations, as well as unwillingness of the authorities to address grand corruption are among the most critical factors that contribute to continued decrease in the country’s score,» the watchdog group added.

The improvement in the rankings of some former Soviet states was a «surprise,» said Jana Mittermaier, head of Transparency International’s Brussels office, in an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. «The reasons for this could be that countries — and governments in particular — came to the conclusion that anti-corruption efforts really pay off when trying to please donors on their conditions for foreign direct investment,» she said.

Posted November 18, 2009 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

Joshua Kucera, EurasiaNet

Источник: http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/civilsociety/articles/eav111809.shtml

Over a month after President Imomali Rahmon suggested abolishing Russian as a language of «interethnic communication,» Tajikistan remains abuzz with hype and fear about the potential change. Officials in Dushanbe argue that a policy alteration is needed to bolster Tajikistan’s sovereignty. But Russian leaders are warning that any move to alter the status quo would result in serious economic consequences for Dushanbe.

Under current legislation, all government documents must be in either or both Tajik and Russian. Under the new draft law, all government functions would be performed exclusively in Tajik.

Russian is still widely spoken in Tajikistan, especially in interactions involving members of different ethnic groups, such as Tajiks and Uzbeks. Many non-Tajik residents of Tajikistan do not have a solid grasp of the Tajik language. Russian has enjoyed official status since 1989, prior to the demise of the Soviet empire.

Rahmon’s administration has been coming under increasing domestic pressure in 2009, as the country’s economy has struggled during the global financial slowdown. Some experts see the proposed language revisions as an effort to bolster the president’s domestic position. «The destiny of the nation depends on the destiny of its language,» Rahmon said on July 22, in comments marking the 20th anniversary of Tajik becoming the state language. «One can judge the greatness of the nation by judging the respect to the national language among representatives of this nation.» At the time, he urged the Tajik parliament to rapidly act on his initiative to alter the official status of Russian.

Russian politicians angrily responded to Rahmon’s initiative, suggesting that any effort to reduce the status of Russian would provoke punitive economic measures by Moscow. One called for the implementation of a visa regime for Tajiks, a move that could drastically curtail the number of Tajik guest workers in Russia. Labor migrant remittances are a crucial pillar of the Tajik economy. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Moscow and Dushanbe have traded frequent barbs over the past year over the poor treatment of Tajik guest workers in Russia and the low level of Russian investment in Tajikistan.

Immediately prior to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s late July visit to Dushanbe, the Komsomolskaya Pravda daily quoted Russian presidential aide Sergey Prihodko as saying the Tajik authorities «should be interested in this [preservation of Russian language] more than us. If they stop speaking Russian, Tajik guest workers will not be able to work here.»

Some Russian MPs have ominously warned that meddling with language policy could prove politically destabilizing for Rahmon at home. «The implementation of the law, according to which the Russian language is losing its status of interethnic communication will provoke a mutiny [in Tajikistan],» said Alexei Ostrovsky, chairman of the Russian State Duma’s Committee on CIS Affairs on July 23.

The Tajik Foreign Ministry in late July sought to mollify Moscow, issuing a statement noting that the Russian language’s status was protected in the Tajik Constitution. It went on to assure Russian authorities that no changes to the constitution were anticipated.

But analysts believe that Rahmon is perfectly capable of engineering constitutional amendments. «Regrettably, nationalistic moods are very strong among some parliamentarians and government officials. The constitution can be changed by means of a referendum,» Lidia Isamova, a Tajik journalist and political expert, told EurasiaNet.

On condition of anonymity, another Russian-speaking ethnic Tajik journalist predicted that a language change could have unpredictable domestic economic ramifications. «More than a half of my colleagues would lose their jobs if the draft law is adopted. We won’t be able to ask questions at press conferences, and our employers won’t find interpreters for us,» the journalist said. Institutions of higher learning, at which Russian is the primary language of instruction, would also suffer, some experts warn.

Rahmon has shown a previous willingness to make language-related changes. In 2007 — amid another ebb in relations with Moscow — he refashioned his own family name, and forbade newborns from bearing their parents’ Russified family names ending in «-ov.»

Analysts believe the president is trying to use lansguage as leverage, aiming to increase the amount of financial assistance flowing to Tajikistan from Russia. Some add that the language issue has proven to be a double-edged sword in the past for Tajikistan. «In 1989 the endorsement of the language law [making Tajik the official language] resulted in a mass exodus from the country. Adoption of the new law can provoke the repetition of the ’1989 syndrome,’» Victor Kim, coordinator of the Tajik Alliance of National Minorities, told the Asia Plus news agency on July 22, referring to the brain drain of the early 1990s.

Gaffor Juraev, head of the government commission on implementation of the state language law, and one of the authors of the draft bill, believes «the law is needed» to promote Tajikistan’s sovereignty. «All citizens of Tajikistan must know the state language — at least out of respect to the country where they live,» he said, in comments to Asia Plus. He added that talk of a fresh exodus caused by any new, potential changes was «absurd.»

For many ordinary Tajiks, however, the move would represent an unnecessary intrusion into their daily lives. «My mother is a Pamiri Tajik, and my father is Russian. My husband is from Belarus, but he is not sure about his ethnic roots. And who are my children? They are not Tajiks, but they are Tajikistani! We have always been proud of our multiethnic past,» said Nigina Ruslanova, a schoolteacher in Dushanbe.

The chairman of Tajikistan’s Communist Party, Shodi Shabdolov, is among those Tajiks who oppose tinkering with language legislation. «The exclusion of Russian language as the language of interethnic communication from the new draft law [would be] a serious mistake,» he told Asia Plus. «The status of Russian language in the draft law is underestimated — in political, educational and scientific respects. Russian is acknowledged as the language of international communication in CIS countries. Moreover, Russian is one of the official UN languages.

Editor’s Note: Konstantin Parshin is a freelance correspondent based in Dushanbe.

Konstantin Parshin

Источник: http://eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav082609a.shtml

Jovid always dreamed of becoming a police officer, but now he finds himself taking exams to become a tax collector.

«My family couldn’t afford the amount of bribe we would have had to pay to get a place at the police academy,» the 18-year-old high-school graduate explains.

Seeking to ensure an affordable future for their son, his parents — farmers in Tajikistan’s northern Maschoh region — instead paid out a $1,000 bribe to ensure he would be enrolled to study tax law at a Tajik finance university.

«We had to sell several of our cattle to raise the money,» Jovid says. «The rest we borrowed from relatives. We didn’t have any other choice. I wish it was possible to enter the university with my knowledge, but here things don’t work like that.»

Jovid says his parents paid the money to middlemen, who promised to pass it on to professors who would be making enrollment decisions based on exam results.

It is a common practice throughout Central Asia, where people say it is a fact of life that most university entrants must pay bribes to get enrolled into institutions of higher education.

Paying To Learn, Earn

In Turkmenistan, there is even a name for such bribes, «elaklyk,» which literally means «thanks giving.»

Throughout the region there are unofficial price lists for different universities and colleges, ranging from $600 to $15,000.

For instance, applicants have to pay at least $2,000 to get a place in the English-language department in Tajikistan’s provincial universities.

In Turkmenistan, entrants may pay much more. Depending on the number of people competing for university places, prices in the most popular schools can rise to over $40,000.

The amount of the bribe often depends on the profitability of the future profession. The most popular among universities are law schools, because people believe lawyers are in a position to earn lots of money in a relevantly short period of time.

Alymbek Ata, whose son has applied to enter Kyrgyzstan’s Osh University, says he accepts bribery as «today’s reality,» and questioning the practice has never crossed his mind.

«Other parents who brought their children are paying bribes, and so do I — I’m not any different,» he says.

Rot In The System

The problem of bribery in the education system has been a topic of political debate in Central Asia in recent years, with officials warning that corrupt practices and widespread bribery have severely damaged the quality of education.

High-school teachers throughout the region complain that students skip lessons and don’t take their studies seriously, raising fears that they are not properly prepared as they take the next step in their education.

At the university level, corruption does not stop with the entrance exam. Once in the classroom, students routinely pay bribes to get better grades and to pass exams. It is common for professors to have different fees, so-called «stavki,» to pass their exams.

Emil Sarybaev, who studies medicine in Osh university, says some students opt to pay bribes instead of attending classes.

«There are five or six students in my group who don’t show up for lessons, but who take care of any problems with the professors. They pay about around $500-$600 to pass an exam,» Sarybaev says.

«I can’t even imagine what kind of doctors they will become, or how they would treat patients in Kyrgyzstan. I’m afraid that they won’t be able to treat patients, they will kill them.»

Local experts in the region warn that Central Asia is in danger of ending up with a generation of specialists who are not properly trained in their field.

Many people in the region have already lost their trust in university graduates, particularly in the medical field, leading them to seek out older doctors or graduates of foreign medical schools.

Arrest Teachers, Or Empower Them?

Meanwhile, education authorities insist they are fighting the rampant corruption in the system.

Last month, for example, several professors in the region — including the head of the Ashgabat University of World Languages, a department head in Tajikistan’s Khujand Medical College, and two university professors in Bishkek and Osh — were fired in connection with bribery.

Prosecutors in the three countries in question have opened criminal cases against the professors, who now face corruption charges.

Public opinion, however, is unmoved by these individual cases. Few expect that weeding out a handful of offenders can really end the problem. Some even accuse the education officials themselves of being involved in corruption.

«I don’t believe this issue will be solved as long as we have the current officials in place,» says Faridun Rahnavard, a Dushanbe-based analyst.

Suggestions have been made that raising teachers’ and university professors’ wages could help eliminate corruption. State university professors throughout Central Asia receive meager wages, ranging between $70 and $400 a month.

Concerns have also been raised that the continuation of unfair practices will deny the children of non-wealthy families the opportunity to build a better future for themselves through education.

Regardless of the level of their knowledge, some already consider entering universities as beyond their reach, leading them to become migrant laborers instead.

Editor’s Note: RFE/RL’s Central Asian services contributed to this report

Farangis Najibullah, a EurasiaNet Partner Post fro

Источник: http://eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/pp082009.shtml