Tajikistan is considering a bill that would prohibit the use of Russian by government agencies in the former Soviet republic. Tajik President Emomali Rakhmon is urging lawmakers in the Central Asian country to speed passage of the measure, which some people in Russia view as a hostile act.

Tajikistan President Emomali Rakhmon told a nationwide television audience last week the greatness of a nation can be judged, first of all, by the amount of protection and respect its official representatives give to their national language.

Tajik Association of Free Media member Abdufattokh Vokhidov agrees with Mr. Rakhmon’s assessment. He says the Tajik language was relegated during the Soviet period to home use, and many people in Tajikistan neglected their native tongue.

Vakhidov says people of his generation were born under Soviet rule and educated in the spirit of the Russian language. He notes some people who do not know Tajik have no respect for it; they think the only language in the world is Russian and cannot imagine life without it.

In Moscow, lawmaker and nationalist firebrand Vladimir Zhirinovsky said adoption of the Tajik language law would be considered an act of hostility toward Russia. He threatened the Central Asian republic with retaliatory measures, including denial of visas for unemployed Tajiks looking for jobs in Russia.

The Interfax news agency quotes a member of the Parliament’s Commonwealth of Independent States Committee, Alexei Ostrovsky, as saying dissatisfaction among unemployed Tajiks could then erupt in street protests.

The head of the Tajik Migrant Workers Union in Moscow, Karomat Sharipov, says remittances sent by Tajik migrant workers in Russia help maintain the social and economic stability of Tajikistan, where unemployment runs high.

Sharipov says more than 120,000 Tajik citizens in Russia have children born of mixed marriages, more than 800,000 have obtained Russian citizenship, and they will return to their native country speaking Tajik and Russian.

The director of Russian language testing at the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Svetlana Melnikova, told VOA she agrees with President Rakhmon about the need to protect all national languages. But she says many of them are being affected by globalization, particularly in the areas of business and science.

Melnikova says technical terminology in CIS countries exists basically in Russian and English, and Tajiks will need to choose one of them. She predicts it will take more than a decade before Tajikistan develops its own scientific vocabulary.

Abdulfatah Vakhidov says the Tajik language, which is similar to Persian, was influenced throughout the 20th century by Russian, and does not correspond to the needs of its speakers. At the same time, he says no one is suggesting that Tajik cannot borrow foreign technical terms.

Vakhidov says languages constantly develop and so does Tajik, because new technologies emerge and those who speak the language accept foreign terms that reflect the advance of high technology. He says Tajik speakers do not make up new words, but rather accept terms from English, Russian, Persian, Arabic and other languages, which no one opposes.

Vakhidov says Russian is currently used very widely in Tajik science, industry, and government. If passed, the language law would require the exclusive use of Tajik in national courts, armed forces, police and other agencies of government.

While Svetlana Melnikova questions the practical considerations of the measure, she says it would not infringe on anybody’s legal rights.

Melnikova says she would not go so far as to talk about any violation of rights for Russian speakers just because a country declines use of another language. After all, she says, Russia does not demand that Americans speak Russian just because there is a Russian diaspora in the United States.

Ethnic Tajiks comprise about 80 percent of Tajikistan’s population. Fifteen percent are Uzbeks, one percent Russian and the remainder belong to various other ethnic groups.

Karomat Sharipov says Russian should remain the language of international communication among countries of the former Soviet Union. Abdulfatah Vakhidov says the languages spoken in those countries should be allowed to develop by those who speak them, free of outside interference.

There is no word on when lawmakers will consider the Tajik language bill.

Peter Fedynsky, Moscow

Источник: http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-07-28-voa19.cfm

Tajik President Imomali Rahmon’s administration is discouraging believers in the impoverished Central Asian nation from making the Hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, this year. Instead, authorities are asking that would-be pilgrims make a donation to charity.

Tajikistan is coming under growing economic strain during the global financial crisis, with officials struggling to provide essential services as they confront the implosion of the industrial and agricultural sectors. Rahmon’s call for donations to charities underscores the tenuous nature of the country’s economy.

«I call on future pilgrims from Tajikistan during the global economic and financial crisis to donate their savings to charity,» he announced in late June. Every year 4,500 Tajiks perform the Hajj pilgrimage to Islam’s holy sites in Saudi Arabia — a journey that costs an average of $3,000 per person. Rahmon targeted his appeal at Tajiks who have already made a pilgrimage, and were intent on returning. «In a time of crisis, your savings could go to needy families,» the president stressed.

For the past two years, Tajikistan’s State Religious Affairs Committee has been controlling the number of pilgrims traveling to Mecca. The official limit is 4,500 a year. In 2008, the committee denied 1,500 applications, though local observers say this is not viewed as a violation of believers’ rights. The 2009 Hajj falls in November.

Rahmon is known for his efforts to regulate behavior, and for trying to alter social customs. In May 2007, for example, he endorsed a law regulating the way weddings, funerals, circumcisions and other family events were celebrated, mandating the maximum number of guests at any given event and time limits, as well as financial penalties and administrative punishments for violators. Prior to endorsing the Law on Squaring Traditions and Rites, Rahmon explained that Tajiks spent too much on both secular and religious celebrations, adding that the money spent could serve more essential purposes.

In June, Rahmon led by example, hosting a small wedding party for his eldest son, Rustami Imomali. Local press reports described the celebration as modest and state television showed Rahmon and his family donating goods to orphanages.
But, just as some back in 2007 said the limits on party size were designed to prevent mass gatherings that could turn political, now some see ulterior motives in the president’s appeal concerning the Hajj.

«Tajik authorities’ advice on how to properly spend private money is just an attempt to distract the attention of people from the government’s inability and reluctance to resolve domestic problems,» said a local university professor, speaking on condition of anonymity. «Instead of tackling these problems and countering corruption, authorities criticize religion and superstition.»
The 2007 «traditions act,» as it is popularly known, as well as other sweeping Rahmon initiatives — such as the abolition of school graduation celebrations — continue to face criticism, both in public and private. Many Tajiks believe the government could do more to improve social services. More than half of the population lives in poverty, but at the same time, locals are quick to note, Dushanbe is awash in expensive private cars and ringed by hundreds of luxurious private villas.

Some see the recent Hajj declaration as part of a wider crackdown on expressions of Islamic faith. Citing the widespread problem of corruption, one Dushanbe resident called the new directive «total cynicism.» He indicated that few Tajiks were receptive to the president’s appeal. «All we see now are summer houses and private hotels under construction. I am sure that nobody will make any donations to a public charity,» he said.

While he certainly has a fair share of critics, Rahmon is applauded by many poorer Tajiks, who say the president’s directives helped lift a huge financial burden off hard-pressed families. Political analyst Parviz Mullojanov feels that this time media outlets are perhaps being unfair to Rahmon. «This statement by the president has caused more feedback in the media that it deserves. It does not go beyond any other of Rahmon’s messages regarding the frugal use of funds during the crisis. On the one hand, the Hajj is a duty of every Muslim; on the other hand, there is a traditional message in Islam saying that a Muslim cannot go on Hajj while leaving behind hungry children and relatives,» he said.

«This statement of the president will definitely be interpreted in different ways by different social groups — depending on their political sympathies and antipathies, as well as on their extent of religiousness,» Mullojanov added.

Konstantin Parshin

Источник: http://eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav071609.shtml

Obama administration refines 43-year-old law

Washington — The 43-year-old Freedom of Information Act is considered a bulwark of democracy by scholars, journalists and common citizens seeking information held by the U.S. government.

The Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), enacted in 1966 and refined over the years, allows individuals and organizations (including non-U.S. citizens and groups) to request access to unpublished documents held by the executive branch of the federal government without having to provide a reason for the request.

When FOIA first was enacted, it was considered revolutionary. Only Finland and Sweden had similar legislation. Since then, about 80 nations have created similar laws, says Tom Blanton, director of the National Security Archive, a leading U.S. research institute that collects and publishes information gathered through FOIA requests.

President Lyndon Johnson was not enthusiastic about signing the act requiring the executive branch of the U.S. government to make many documents available upon request by the public. Many officials felt the transparency called for by FOIA would constrain them from communicating sensitive information in documents, thereby hampering government functions.

Since its inception, FOIA has become a popular tool of inquiry for journalists, scholars, businesses, lawyers, consumers and environmental groups. It has helped bring openness to the workings of government.

Areas of information that are exempt for release under FOIA include: personal privacy information, certain classified national defense and foreign relations matters, and trade and business secrets. The law does not apply to the two other branches of the U.S. government — the judicial (federal courts) and legislative (Congress) — or states. Individual states have their own FOIA-type laws that cover state government information.

In 1996, FOIA went digital when Congress revised the law to provide for public access to information in electronic form. Federal agencies provide information online on how to make requests for documents.

On his second day in office, January 21, President Obama instructed the Department of Justice to further enhance accessibility of information to the public. Attorney General Eric Holder, whose department oversees the handling and administration of FOIA requests among federal agencies, issued a set of guidelines on March 19 implementing Obama’s order.

Calling Obama’s directive “a sea change in the way transparency is viewed across the government,” Holder said FOIA “reflects our nation’s fundamental commitment to open government” and the new guidelines are “meant to underscore that commitment and to ensure that it is realized in practice.”

The new guidelines, which apply to all executive branch agencies, include a requirement that when responding to an information request, agencies should ask: “What can I release?” An agency should not withhold information simply because it is technically allowed to do so.

The guidelines also call for:

• Releasing records in part when they cannot be released in full.

• Ensuring discretionary release of documents when possible.

• Working cooperatively with requests and responding promptly.

• Better reporting by agency FOIA personnel to the Department of Justice.

The new guidelines aim to make the FOIA process more efficient and quicker. In 2006, the 30 federal agencies with the largest volume of requests reported receiving more than 774,000 requests for access to information under FOIA.

FREEDOM OF INFORMATION OVERSEAS

Other nations have seen firsthand the impact of greater government transparency through FOIA-type laws.

The United Kingdom’s Freedom of Information Act, passed in 2000 but only implemented over the past few years, recently helped American freelance journalist Heather Brooke expose a government scandal. The journalist, who lives and works in the United Kingdom, used her experience as an investigative reporter in the United States to make FOIA requests on the expense claims of members of Parliament.

Brooke’s request kicked off a vigorous debate in the House of Commons on whether the governing Labour Party could get an exemption for expense claims under the new law.

A major British newspaper, the Daily Telegraph, gained access to some of the information and wrote a series of stories identifying 80 members of Parliament as alleged abusers of government expense accounts. The findings led to the resignation of the speaker of the House of Commons.

China is also experiencing greater government transparency after it recently promulgated its Regulations on the Disclosure of Government Information. The year-old law has resulted in more openness, an example being the Ministry of Finance’s decision to publish the government’s 2009 budget on the Internet on March 20. More environmental information has been released to the Chinese public over the past year.

Like its U.S. counterpart, the new Chinese FOIA also mandates that government agencies issue an annual public report on their progress in disclosing information to the public.

Источник: U.S. Embassy, Dushanbe

To the surprise of some Tajiks suffering from recent mudslides and floods, an unlikely friend has extended a helping hand. Uzbekistan, which for much of the post-Soviet era has had bitter relations with Tajikistan, recently delivered emergency food and reconstruction aid to help its blighted neighbor.

Heavy April and May rains have caused deadly mudslides and ruined crops across vast areas of Tajikistan. At least 28 people have been killed since late April and up to 15,000 displaced by the weather-related catastrophe, according to UN and government estimates. Responding to a May 20 plea for help, Tashkent promised 1,400 tons of emergency food and building materials. A train carrying the aid arrived on May 23, the Avesta news agency reported.

Some 22,000 hectares of the country’s premiere cash-generating cotton crop have been destroyed, according to the Tajik Agriculture Ministry. Overall, 40,000 hectares of crops, worth at least $20 million, have been ruined. The affected areas represent roughly 5 percent of all land under cultivation in Tajikistan. Forty of the country’s 58 districts have reported suffering damage from natural disasters. The devastation could lead to dire shortages of essential foodstuffs in the coming months.

Azizbek Sharipov, Chairman of Tajikistan’s National Association of Farmers said it is too late in the season to replant cotton, as the soil is oversaturated with water. Adding to their burden, «most, if not all farmers are looking for loans to buy seeds and other necessities for [replanting],» he told EurasiaNet. Even if some farmers can procure seeds, the Agriculture Ministry has admitted that a fuel shortage poses an additional obstacle to replanting. As a result, some farmers may lose up to half their future cotton harvest.

For the past two years, Tajikistan has been reeling from a combination of drastic shortages of heating, electricity and food, as well as natural disasters. In a letter sent to the United Nations on May 18, the Tajik government expressed concern that the weather was projected to remain rainy in the weeks to come, leaving the country vulnerable to more mudslides.

«Although the government has the relevant infrastructure and disaster response plans in place, it is still missing the capacity to cope with these challenges alone,» says Goulsara Pulatova, Regional Director for the UN’s International Strategy of Disaster Reduction (ISDR). Pulatova suggests international assistance should be primarily focused on communities’ capacity building, since many villages are located in isolated mountainous areas.

A variety of international aid organizations have issued emergency appeals for disaster relief in Tajikistan. On May 23, the International Federation of the Red Cross called for over $800,000 in donations, either in cash or in durable items such as tents, to assist 726 recently displaced families.

In its appeal for 2009, the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) suggested that, even before the recent rains, Tajikistan stood on the precipice of a humanitarian emergency. Harsh weather during the 2008-09 winter season was projected to put a large percentage of Tajik households in danger of hunger, according to the FAO appeal, which was issued in late 2008.

«One-third of severely food-insecure households reported to have consumed their seed stock, while 15 percent sold much-needed livestock for cash in order to meet basic needs. Inadequate storage facilities caused preventable losses to key productive assets, including over 50 percent of potato seeds. Without assistance, farmers will be unable to purchase the basic inputs they need to ensure an adequate harvest, and increased food security, by spring 2009,» the appeal stated.»

«Tajikistan is prone to frequent natural disasters — such as earthquakes, floods, avalanches, and drought — which increasingly erode the food production capacity, purchasing power and food security of the country’s most vulnerable and resource-poor communities,» the FAO appeal continued. «Thousands of households risk long-term destitution and heightened vulnerability to future shocks if assistance is not provided to restore food production and livelihoods in a way that is conducive to lasting recovery.»

Posted May 28, 2009 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

EurasiaNet

Источник: http://www.eurasianet.org

A report by the U.S.-based watchdog Freedom House says the global financial crisis is having a negative impact on freedom of the press.

The 2009 Freedom of the Press Index, released ahead of World Press Freedom Day on May 3, indicates that while press freedom in open societies is being affected mostly in terms of decreased funding, in countries with oppressive governments, the crisis is providing new tools for further strengthening the leadership’s grip on the media.

According to the index, which rates 195 countries worldwide, the biggest drop in press freedom was witnessed in Central and Eastern Europe, in addition to most of the former Soviet Union.

The Freedom House index assesses the countries included in the survey by measuring the degree of print, broadcast, and Internet freedom available through a single calendar year. It provides numerical rankings and rates each country’s media as «Free,» «Partly Free,» or «Not Free.»

According to the report, which summarizes countries’ performances during 2008, concluded that 56 percent of people living in the combined region of Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union (FSU), excluding the Baltic States, live in media environments that are «Not Free.»

But while the countries in the region share a common history of communist oppression, the trajectory of countries in the FSU diverged significantly in 2008 from that of Central and Eastern Europe in terms of respect for fundamental political rights and civil liberties.

The press freedom ratings for these sub-regions reflect a similar divergence.

Repressive Governments

Christopher Walker, Freedom House’s director of studies and one of the authors of the index, tells RFE/RL that former communist states in Central Europe such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland are clearly designated as “Free” and have remained so throughout the crisis.

But in Eastern Europe, and particularly in the countries of the FSU, where press freedom has been experiencing a slow but steady decline for years, the economic turmoil has exacerbated the trend.
All in all, the system isn’t enabling a meaningful discussion of alternative issues in Russia

“The ongoing trajectory of media freedom in the region suggests that there’s been a consolidation of unfree media environments in the former Soviet Union,» Walker said.

«And this has significant implications at a time when the global economy is playing a role in the health of independent media… In already vulnerable media environments there are even larger questions about independent media’s ability to function in the former Soviet Union.”

In more repressive settings, Walker says, authorities have always enjoyed near-complete control over allocating resources and using the legal system to manipulate media.

Now, with funding drying up, it is even easier for repressive governments to reward complacent media outlets on the one hand, and penalize dissenting voices on the other.

Russia Downturn

Russia continues to be the media-crackdown leader among the FSU countries, and has passed the trend on to a number of neighboring states.

Russia has been on a gradual decline in media freedom since 2003, when it was downgraded from a “Partly Free” to a “Not Free” country.

“What we’ve seen is really a systematic and consistent constriction of Russia’s media over the last several years, including last year, where Russia also underwent a slight downturn for a number of reasons — including the absence of independent judiciary to ensure that media freedoms are upheld, and ongoing self-censorship, which has been a growing problem over the course of recent years,» Walker said.

«All in all, the system isn’t enabling a meaningful discussion of alternative issues in Russia.”

Ten out of 12 of the non-Baltic post-Soviet states are ranked as «Not Free.» Three of the world’s 10 worst press-freedom abusers — Belarus, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan — are found in the former Soviet Union.

Azerbaijan is another country which attracted significant media attention in 2008 because of several cases when journalists have been imprisoned for their work but then released.

Walker of Freedom House notes this as a “positive development,” but says it’s insufficient to indicate major change in Azerbaijan’s continued clampdown on the media, which last year included a ban on foreign broadcasters, including the BBC, Voice of America, and RFE/RL.

“One of the things that we cited in our review of Azerbaijan, as part of the larger pattern of media suppression, were the steps taken to remove a number of international broadcasters from the airwaves in Azerbaijan,» Walker said.

«So, if we look at the broader picture of media freedom in Azerbaijan, the release of journalists that’s just occurred in the larger institutional picture are a small but positive step in an otherwise highly repressed media environment.”

Central Asia has been for years one of the weakest regions for free media, and 2008 was not an exception, says Walker.

While it comes as little surprise that frequent human-rights and press-freedom abusers like Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have again been given the lowest possible rankings, Kyrgyzstan, one of the brighter spots in Central Asia, underwent a two-point decline in 2008.

“That was principally a result of its decision to remove Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty from the state broadcaster, but it follows a larger pattern of pressure that we’ve seen on independent media outlets in the country,” Walker said.

Lack of an independent judiciary and the inability of the judiciary to protect journalists remains a serious concern in many of the FSU states, where reporters continue to put their personal safety at risk.

Nikola Krastev, Radio Liberty / Radio Free Europe

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Financial_Crisis_Causing_Drop_In_Media_Freedom_Worldwide/1620201.html

As its economy sinks and social tensions portend a summer of discontent, several mass media outlets in Tajikistan are busy identifying culprits for the Central Asian nation’s problems. By all appearances, the chief scapegoat is shaping up to be Russia. Local newspapers recently have blamed the Kremlin for everything from stoking the 1992-97 civil war in Tajikistan to drug trafficking, economic woes and even a possible future coup d’etat.

Because Tajikistan’s notoriously weak media is widely seen as tightly controlled by the authorities, analysts are wondering what or who is behind the latest round of hyperbolic editorializing. Such sensational reports must have a prominent backer, Russia’s Komsomolskaya Pravda suggested in an April 6 commentary.

Some analysts in Dushanbe agree. «If the authorities do not react to anti-Russian publications, it looks like these are planted articles written by hack writers. The order comes from certain politicians pursuing their own interests,» said Lidia Isamova, a noted Tajik journalist.

Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of the Tajik National Association of Independent Media (NANSMIT), an agency comprising more than 30 non-state print and electronic outlets, agrees that the quality of some recent reports has been poor, but points out that journalism is slowly opening up in Tajikistan. The recent inflammatory editorials are a byproduct of that progress, he added.

«The nature of publications has changed . . . they have started presenting alternative viewpoints,» Karshibaev said. «It seems to me that editors have started to switch off their self-censorship, giving journalists and independent analysts an opportunity to speak openly. They started touching upon not only socio-economic, but also geopolitical and international topics.»

Of note, the Asia-Plus weekly recently published a series of articles sharply criticizing some officials in Dushanbe. In March, the paper accused the finance minister of inaction during the financial crisis. Other newspapers have accused authorities of systematically destroying the country’s agricultural sector to turn quick, illicit profits. Such allegations, aired in such a public manner, would have been unthinkable just a few years ago.

Independent political analyst Parviz Mullojanov agrees that the articles are a sign of an opening environment. They are «another wave of reaction from the press to things happening in Russia,» such as harassment of Tajik migrant workers.

«I don’t think there is any political figure standing behind this in Tajikistan; it’s public opinion,» he said, adding that the Russian press is also full of negative stereotypes of Tajiks. «All those anti-Tajik articles [in Russia] give me the feeling that there is a circle of officials in Russia who stand behind this and think that there should be more strict attitude towards post-Soviet countries, especially in regard to Central Asian countries.»

While Tajikistan’s media environment may be opening slightly, Tajik authorities at present retain broad control over the country’s information space. The great extent of official control was underscored on April 3, when Dushanbe revoked the broadcast rights of the Russian state-controlled TV channel RTR-Planeta, which is widely viewed as the Kremlin’s cultural and ideological loudspeaker within the CIS. The move brought to an end the terrestrial broadcast of any Russian-language programming in Tajikistan. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav040709a.shtml

Some observers speculate that officials in Dushanbe may be fomenting anti-Russian sentiment in the press to deflect criticism away from their own poor management of the domestic economy. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav121608.shtml Others wonder if Dushanbe is using tough tactics in order to coax Moscow into providing a generous economic assistance package.

If Tajik officials are indeed trying to use the media campaign to somehow pressure Moscow, they are playing risky game, some local analysts say. «Publications full of the anti-Russian rhetoric . . . are more dangerous than they might seem,» said Isamova, the journalist. «Russia really has [lots of] leverage, which it can always apply should there be a need.»

With Tajikistan’s migrants increasingly vulnerable to unemployment in Russia, and with the Russian economy seemingly caught in a downward spiral, the chances seem high that a coordinated media campaign against Moscow would be counterproductive for Dushanbe. Rather than securing desired economic assistance, Tajikistan could find itself inundated by waves of economic migrants cast out of Russia.

The Russian Embassy in Dushanbe expressed regret at the way Russia has been portrayed lately in the Tajik media. Press Secretary Kamil Magomedov, in an interview on April 8, noted that while Tajik journalists were entitled to their opinions, «what we are seeing in the recent publications goes beyond the boundaries of decency and human logic.»

Magomedov reserved particular criticism for reports that claimed Russia helped stoke «genocide» during the Tajik civil war. «The ideas of genocide and instigation of the civil war in Tajikistan [by Russia] are absurd,» Magomedov said. «We all remember that many Russian soldiers and border guards died protecting the objects of infrastructure in Tajikistan during the civil war. Russia was the guarantor of peace in those years of hardship.»

Whether the incendiary articles are officially sanctioned or merely the product of an emboldened press, Dushanbe looks progressively more on its own. One Russian politician summarized his country’s attitude. The Tajik government’s constant emergency appeals to the donor community look self-centered and clumsy, he suggested: «Why don’t Tajik leaders withdraw certain amounts from their foreign bank accounts? Why wouldn’t they help their own people instead of cajoling the money from Russia and other foreign states?»

Editor’s Note: Konstantin Parshin is a freelance correspondent based in Dushanbe.

Posted April 8, 2009 © Eurasianet

Konstantin Parshin, EurasiaNet

Источник: http://www.eurasianet.org

“Broadcasting of the Russian TV company RTR Planet on the territory of Tajikistan will not be resumed”. – This is the official statement made by the Tajik State TV Broadcasting Committee under the government.

RTR disappeared from the Tajik air one month ago. Both Tajik and Russian officials were stating that they are eager to resume broadcasting – but only after resolving of some organizational problems. The Tajik side complained that RTR has failed to sign a new agreement, and declared new prices for rebroadcasting services since all tariffs have essentially increased over the last couple of years.

On 3 April, Samad Khikmatov, deputy chairman of the Tajik Broadcasting Committee told the media that the decision is irreversible. “No further negotiations will be held with the Russian side, and the frequency [previously used by RTR] will be given to one of the local TV companies”. Khikmatov also added that this measure has no political background.

Tajik officials say that the Russian broadcasters have had enough time to resolve all technical and financial issues. “We sent letters addressed to the secretary general of the Russian State Radio and TV Company [RTR], asking to support our suggestions [on the increase of rebroadcasting tariffs]”, — said Khikmatov. The last official letter was sent on 17 February, but ever since, the Tajik side has received no answer. Teleradiocom, the State Broadcasting Committee’s technical facility complained that during 2008, its losses amounted to 100 thousand Somoni due to untimely payments for rebroadcasting and fluctuations of the Russian currency rates.

Commenting on that, Kamil Magomedov, press secretary of the Russian Embassy in Tajikistan said that on 3 March the RTR administration sent an official guarantee letter stating that it is ready to consider the 50-percent increase of the tariff. Moreover, RTR is ready to pay off the arrears for February and March right after the signing of a new agreement. The RTR representatives were ready to fly to Dushanbe at any time convenient for the Tajik counterparts, but they’ve had no response from them.

“The termination of RTR’s rebroadcasting cannot be seen as non-political”, — says Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of the Tajik National Association of Independent Media (NANSMIT). — “Logically, it is seen as a limitation of access to alternative sources of information by the Tajik authorities. At the same time, the Russian side could have agreed with the Tajik requirements on the tariff increase”. Although RTR is a State structure, its broadcasting includes essential blocks of commercial advertisement, and Tajikistan is also seen as a “commercial space”.

Konstantin Parshin, NANSMIT

Источник: NANSMIT

Tajikistan seems determined to obtain financial assistance one way or another from Russia. After President Imomali Rahmon’s recent trip to Moscow did not produce any promises of Kremlin largesse, officials in Dushanbe seem to have found a way to take what they could not receive.
The Tajik State Broadcasting Committee decided March 2 to pull the plug on RTR-Planeta, the commercial arm of Russia’s state broadcaster. Local authorities cited an increase in fixed costs and demanded more money from the All-Russia State Television and Radio Company (VGTRK).
Local experts believe the dispute is something more than just about money. «I see a political aspect in the termination of RTR’s rebroadcast in Tajikistan,» Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of the Tajik National Association of Independent Media, told EurasiaNet.
In explaining the official decision, Tajik state committee head Asadullo Rakhmonov said RTR-Planeta did not have a valid contract covering broadcasting rights in Tajikistan for 2009, adding that the channel also owed Tajikistan 4.8 million Russian rubles (about $130,000) for relaying services.
A VGTRK representative, Sergey Koshlyakov, complained that the Tajiks were not playing by the rules. «The increase is unscheduled and not included in our company’s budget; this is why the negotiations are slack,» the Asia-Plus news agency reported Koshlyakov as saying. All grumbling aside, however, it seems that Russia is not eager to lose a major lever to sway public opinion inside Tajikistan, and so VGTRK officials have reportedly agreed to pay a hefty 50 percent rate increase for 2009.
Precise terms of the preliminary agreement were not immediately released. As soon as a contract is signed RTR-Planeta should be back on the air, Tajik officials have indicated.
Despite the apparent fast resolution of the dispute, Tajik officials seem interested in diversifying the country’s media landscape — something that could have the net effect of reducing Russian influence in the Central Asian nation. In February, Tajik broadcasting officials met with top Iranian television representatives to discuss relaying more Iranian programs in the Persian-speaking country.
RTR-Planeta is the only Russian television channel that is rebroadcast in Tajikistan. Other Russian channels can be viewed only via satellite transmission.
Posted March 5, 2009 © Eurasianet
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EurasiaNet

Источник: http://eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav030509a.shtml

Uzbek Deputy Prime Minister Rustam Azimov’s recent visit to Tajikistan, made in connection with a rare session of an inter-governmental commission, raises the possibility of a thaw in relations between the two Central Asian states, Tajik experts say. The ability of Dushanbe and Tashkent to address their many differences could have important implications for ongoing military operations in Afghanistan to contain the Taliban.
The commission session on February 19 marked the first bilateral, high-level contact between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in seven years. Despite that encouraging signal, doubt continues to hover over the future of Tajik-Uzbek relations. Skeptics point to the fact that participants failed to address some of the most intractable problems plaguing the two countries’ relations. In addition, media access to the Tajik-Uzbek intergovernmental commission was restricted, and a post-meeting news conference was cancelled due to the abrupt departure of the Uzbek delegation.
The bilateral commission meeting followed Uzbek President Islam Karimov’s surprise February 13 announcement that Tashkent was willing to reconsider its long opposition to the construction of the Rogun hydropower plants in upstream Tajikistan, provided that international auditors verified the viability of the project. Uzbekistan could even become an investor in Rogun and other upstream energy development schemes, he suggested. Dushanbe’s Asia-Plus news agency characterized Karimov’s comments as «sensational.»
«In the event of positive outcomes in international water-environmental studies, Uzbekistan can participate in the construction of big hydropower plants in the neighboring countries, including in Tajikistan,» Karimov told a cabinet meeting. At the same time, he emphasized that while every state had a sovereign right to build a power plant, «it is necessary to take into consideration ecological and water problems, which might emerge in the downstream countries.»
On February 25, with Turkmen leader Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov in Tashkent, Karimov repeated the essence of his new position.
Tajik officials are committed to building the 347-meter-tall Rogun dam and see the project as essential to resurrecting the country’s crisis-plagued economy.
As recently as late January, Uzbekistan was working feverishly to block Rogun’s construction. Karimov at that point appeared to score a diplomatic coup, when Russian President Dmitry Medvedev endorsed the Uzbek position that large-scale, water-related projects in Central Asia should require the consent of all the states in the region. Tashkent has long been wary that massive dam projects, such as Rogun, would limit the flow of water into Uzbekistan, thus endangering the country’s crucial cotton crop.
The motive for Karimov’s sudden shift in thinking remains vague. But circumstantial evidence points to a rapid change in geopolitical conditions, namely Russia’s success in inducing Kyrgyzstan to close an American air base outside of Bishkek. In what many experts see as a quid-pro-quo, Russia promised to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to complete a Kyrgyz hydro-power project. With the Kremlin no longer supporting a de facto hydro-power project freeze in Central Asia, Karimov may well have decided to soften his own stance.
According to local media outlets, the February 19 Tajik-Uzbek meeting managed to agree on the issues of delimitation and demarcation of 97 percent of the two countries’ 1,200 kilometer shared border. The parties also signed a protocol regarding the schedule of the Kairakkum water reservoir in northern Tajikistan. Under this agreement, Tajikistan will store and conserve water yearly until May 31 to aid the Uzbek growing season.
But the more protracted and emotional water and energy issues remained unresolved.
Independent political expert Parviz Mullojanov says the fact the visit occurred at all was a «very positive» step that could help defuse bilateral tension. While he is optimistic regarding future resolution of «secondary problems,» such as the cancellation of the visa regime and resumption of air communication, he says the two countries have a long way to go before coming to terms on bigger issues. «It will be difficult to resolve the regional controversies, such as the trans-boundary water use and construction of hydropower plants,» Mullojanov told EurasiaNet.
Another Dushanbe-based observer, Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of the National Association of Independent Media (NANSMIT), believes the key to improved relations is Tashkent’s ability to readjust its regional ambitions. «On many occasions, especially when it concerns trans-boundary water, Uzbekistan referred to international treaties, interpreting these documents for its own benefit,» Karshibaev said. «But the country (Uzbekistan) totally forgets about other legally binding international documents when it concerns export and transition of Tajik electricity.»
While some fault the personal ambitions of the Uzbek and Tajik leaders — rather than economic and political factors — for tense bilateral relations, Mullojanov suggests a major factor is Uzbekistan’s desire for influence. «Uzbekistan wants to be the number one in Central Asia, and it has contradictions and unresolved problems not only with Tajikistan,» he said. «These problems will remain even if other leaders come to power.»
Despite the tensions, Uzbekistan remains one of Tajikistan’s most important trading partners, as Tajik deputy Prime Minister Murodali Alimardon acknowledged in his opening remarks. Bound by their common history, facing the global economic crisis, the two countries cannot afford confrontation, he said.
One factor that may be encouraging the restoration of trust and a collaborative mood is US efforts to establish a northern supply network to support military operations in Afghanistan. Both Uzbekistan and Tajikistan are participating in the network, and both have a vital interest in seeing it succeed, given that both states share long borders with strife-torn Afghanistan. Resupply efforts will require Dushanbe and Tashkent to cooperate.
If Uzbekistan and Tajikistan continue to bicker, the hostility could end up hampering the United States’ ability to deliver supplies to American forces fighting the Taliban.
Editor’s Note: Konstantin Parshin is a freelance journalist based in Dushanbe.

Konstantin Parshin, EurasiaNet

Источник: http://www.eurasianet.org

Tajikistan is grappling with how to enforce a ban on adherents of an ultra-conservative branch of Islam. At the same time, parliament seems prepared to adopt a new law on religion that, critics say, will effectively prohibit small religious groups from operating legally.
The Tajik Supreme Court in January outlawed the Salafi school of Islam from operating in the country. Authorities blame the movement for stoking religious tensions in Tajikistan and for its alleged ties to terrorist groups. Salafis espouse an ultra-conservative approach to religion, asserting that their practices emulate those which existed during Islam’s early days. Believers in Salafism do not acknowledge the legitimacy of other forms of Islamic worship, including Shi’ism and Sufism.
It remains unclear how authorities can enforce the ban, which went into force on February 9. «How will the authorities decide who is a Salafi? What will such an individual have to do — if anything — before officials decide to punish them?» asked Felix Corley of Forum 18, a Norway-based religious freedom watchdog.
Shortly after the Supreme Court issued its ruling, Prosecutor-General Bobojon Bobokhonov, the man who initiated the case against the Salafi movement in December, told journalists January 13 that the ban was preventative in nature. «During the short period of their activities in Tajikistan, Salafis did not break laws, but their propaganda [did influence] security in the country,» he said.
Such a stance has drawn criticism from domestic and international human rights advocates. Many of those same advocates are viewing the pending religious legislation, which parliament is expected to consider on February 11, as an attempt by the government to formalize a roll-back of religious freedom.
Corley suggested that Tajikistan may be headed in the same direction as neighboring Uzbekistan, which has created a draconian system of control over matters of faith. «One early indication is the report that police in Sughd District [were] already listing those they regard as Salafis, even though the ban [had not] come into force,» Corley told EurasiaNet. «Such moves would bring Tajikistan into line with Uzbekistan, which already maintains extensive listings at a local level of people regarded as ’suspicious’ because of their religious affiliation.»
«Active Muslims and Protestants are already known to be listed and kept under scrutiny,» Corley continued. «Some are then prosecuted, others are sacked from jobs and others are prevented from traveling abroad.»
In its annual assessment of human rights practices in Tajikistan, released in March 2008, the US State Department said that the Tajik government over the previous year had «intensified its monitoring of the activities of religious groups and institutions to prevent them from becoming overtly political.»
In apparent connection with this intensification of monitoring, numerous unofficial mosques were closed down in Dushanbe. In addition, the sole remaining synagogue in the country, built in the 19th century, was demolished because the «ramshackle building» — according to municipal authorities — was «disfiguring» the landscape near the president’s new home, the Palace of the Nation. Although authorities promised to apportion a new parcel of land for a new synagogue, no land has yet been allotted.
Moreover, schoolgirls and university students are not allowed to attend classes wearing a hijab, thus seeming to violate their rights, say observers.
Bobokhonov said the prohibition of the Salafi movement is meant to protect constitutional order and strengthen national security. Printed material promoting Salafi ideas is also prohibited. The prosecutor-general conflated the Salafi movement with Wahabbism, a puritanical branch of Islam that inspired Osama bin Laden. «The [1992-97] civil war [in Tajikistan] also started from the growing influence of the Wahabbi movement,» he said. For many in Tajikistan, with memories of that conflict still fresh, such a reference is enough to justify authoritarian restrictions.
Salafis prefer not to be associated with Wahabbism, given the latter’s political undertones. Even so, both schools of thought proclaim the «oneness» of God and creation, urging believers to look to the lives of Mohammed’s companions for earthly guidance.
Rakhmatillo Zoirov, chairman of Tajikistan’s Social-Democratic Party and a former legal advisor to President Imomali Rahmon, alleged that the prosecutor-general’s initiative to ban Salafis is illegal, the Asia-Plus news agency reported.
Despite questions about the government’s motivation, the increase in restrictions placed on religious groups appears to enjoy widespread support among Tajiks. «Salafi representatives in Tajikistan have gone beyond the borders of religious tolerance and become a factor for public and political instability,» Asia-Plus quoted Abdulloh Rakhim Rakhnamo, an independent expert on religion and conflict prevention, as saying on January 16. The «politically erroneous statements of some young men, who call themselves Salafis, have cleared the way for a deep religious split in our society, which might easily grow into a public-political conflict. Thus, the Salafi movement has turned from a purely religious phenomenon into a political factor.»
Ozoda Rakhimova, a Dushanbe physician, agrees with the ban. «We learn about some new organizations and movements emerging from nowhere, professing something obscure,» she told EurasiaNet. «Apart from the freedom of consciousness, we must have the freedom of protection from sects. In my opinion, the latter is far more important.»
But experts say that prohibitions could provoke a dangerous reaction, especially given the drastic recent decline in Tajikistan’s economy. Some believe the ban will merely increase the popularity of the Salafis, or push ever more youngsters to explore membership in other banned organizations, such as the underground Hizb-ut-Tahrir movement, which seeks the non-violent ouster of existing governments in Central Asia followed by the establishment of an Islamic caliphate.
Corley of Forum 18 sees the Salafi ban as part of a wider trend throughout Central Asia. «Tajikistan is following similar moves to [toughen] religion laws in Kyrgyzstan, where a new law was adopted in January, and in Kazakhstan, where [such a law] is now undergoing a last-minute review by the Constitutional Council. Kazakhstan especially is already cracking down hard on religious communities the authorities do not like, including Protestants, Hare Krishnas, Muslims outside the framework of the state-sanctioned [Spiritual] Board [of Muslims] and Jehovah’s Witnesses.»

Editor’s Note: Konstantin Parshin is a freelance correspondent based in Dushanbe.

Posted February 10, 2009 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

Konstantin Parshin, EurasiaNet

Источник: http://eurasianet.org/departments/insightb/articles/eav021009a.shtml