The U.S. State Department has released its «Country Reports On Human Rights Practices» for 2012, highlighting crackdowns on civil society, struggles for democratic change, and threats to freedom of expression.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry presented the reports to the media in Washington on April 19.

The document states that “governments continued to repress or attack the means by which individuals can organize, assemble, or demand better performance from their rulers.”

It criticizes countries such as Iran and China for repressing civil liberties and cites Russia for adopting «a series of measures that curtailed the activities of [nongovernmental organizations],» particularly those receiving international funding.

The report faults Russia for “large increases in fines for unauthorized protests, a law recriminalizing libel, a law that limits Internet freedom by allowing authorities to block certain Web sites without a court order, and amendments to the criminal code that dramatically expand the definition of treason.”

Afghanistan is said to have “significant human rights problems,” but the study says it is a hopeful sign that a law passed in December would remove «existing barriers to the receipt of foreign funding for social organizations.»

The report says a record high of 232 journalists were in prisons in 2012. It says Turkey had the most behind bars, with 49.

It also says that Kazakh courts “used a sweeping application of a vague law against ‘inciting social discord’ to ban several media groups.”

The document says too many governments allow the persecution of women and minority groups, including migrants, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people.

The report also calls democratic progress across the Middle East «uneven.» It says “countries that gave rise to the Arab Awakening in 2012 witnessed a bumpy transition from protest to politics, brutal repression by regimes determined to crush popular will, and the inevitable challenges of turning democratic aspirations into reality.”

The “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices» applauded Burma’s “significant steps in a historic transition toward democracy.” But it also states “Many elements of the country’s authoritarian structure — repressive laws, pervasive security apparatus, corrupt judiciary, restrictions on freedom of religion, and dominance of the military — remain largely intact.”

The State Department’s annual report is now in its 36th year.

Here is a country-by-country summary — in alphabetical order — of the conclusions contained in this year’s report concerning RFE/RL’s broadcast region:

Afghanistan

The authors say Afghanistan still has “significant human rights problems.” The report says the country’s most significant issues are the torture and abuse of detainees by Afghan security forces, widespread violence, official corruption, and “endemic violence» and discrimination against women.

The document also cites “widespread disregard for the rule of law and official impunity” for those who committed human rights abuses.

The report says Taliban fighters and other insurgents continued to kill civilians, while «antigovernment elements also threatened, robbed, and attacked villagers, foreigners, civil servants, and medical and nongovernmental organization workers.»

It says it is a hopeful sign that a law passed in December that would remove «existing barriers to the receipt of foreign funding for social organizations.»

Armenia

The State Department says Armenia’s most significant human rights problems included limitations on the right of citizens to change their government and the limited independence of the judiciary.

The report cites flaws in the conduct of May’s general elections, including the misuse of government resources to support the ruling party and allegations of vote buying.

It says allegations of “persistent corruption” in government undermined the rule of law, despite “limited steps” to punish low- to mid-level official corruption.

The document says courts remained subject to political pressure from the executive branch, resulting in politically motivated prosecutions and sentencing.

It also criticizes the alleged use of torture by police to obtain confessions and the continued lack of objective news reporting.

Azerbaijan

The report says Azerbaijan’s most significant human rights problems included restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly and the unfair administration of justice.

It also cites the intimidation, arrest, and use of force against journalists as well as human rights and democracy activists.

The document says the government approved three demonstrations in the spring but limited them to a location far from the center of Baku.

It says other applications for political protests were denied, unsanctioned protests were forcefully dispersed, and demonstrators often detained.

The report mentions continued reports of arbitrary arrest and detention, politically motivated imprisonment, and allegations of torture and abuse in police or military custody that resulted in at least four deaths.

It says impunity among officials remains a problem.

Belarus

The report says Belarus remains an authoritarian state where «power is concentrated in the presidency.»

President Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s government, it says, «further restricted civil liberties, including freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement.»

It cites a lack of democratic means for the transfer of power, the persistence of political repression, including detention of activists and demonstrators, and widespread abuses by the authorities.

Other human rights issues include the reported use of torture and unlawful detentions.

The document says the judiciary suffers from inefficiency and political interference, and that trial outcomes are often predetermined.

It notes discrimination against persons with disabilities and against ethnic and sexual minorities, people with HIV/AIDS, and those seeking to use the Belarusian language.

Bosnia-Herzegovina

The report says that in Bosnia-Herzegovina, «political leaders continued to intensify and manipulate deep-seated ethnic divisions that fostered widespread discrimination in most aspects of daily life.»

It says that such manipulation undermined the rule of law, distorted public discourse in the media, and obstructed the return of persons who were displaced during the 1992-95 conflict.

The report says government corruption remained one of the country’s most serious problems.

Harassment and intimidation of journalists and civil society were also present, the same as other human rights problems such as deaths from landmines; harsh conditions in prisons and detention centers; discrimination and violence against women and sexual and religious minorities; discrimination against persons with disabilities; trafficking in persons; and limits on employment rights.

Georgia

The State Department says torture and abuse of prisoners, detainees, and others by law-enforcement officials were among Georgia’s most significant human rights problems.

The report also cites “dangerously substandard prison conditions” and shortfalls in the rule of law, such as lack of judicial independence.

It also points to reports of irregularities in last year’s general election campaign, including the misuse of government institutional resources.

The document says that prior to the election, the previous government frequently terminated or delayed probes into alleged rights abuses committed by officials.

After the October vote, however, more than 25 high-level former government officials were indicted on torture, abuse of power, and corruption-related charges.

Iran

The report says Iran continued its crackdown on civil society and repression of civil liberties. It also accuses the government and its security forces of having “pressured, intimidated, and arrested journalists, students, lawyers, artists, women, ethnic and religious activists, and members of their families.”

The document says the judiciary continued to “harshly punish, imprison, or detain” rights activists and opposition members without charges, while the government “significantly increased” its surveillance of citizens’ online activities.

Other rights problems included the government’s “disregard for the physical integrity of persons whom it arbitrarily and unlawfully killed, tortured, and imprisoned.”

The report says the government took “few steps” to hold accountable officials who committed abuses, adding that “impunity remained pervasive.”

Iraq

The report says “chronic” human rights problems persisted in Iraq. It says the most important problems included “politically motivated sectarian and ethnic violence,” abuses by both government officials and illegal armed groups, and a lack of governmental transparency exacerbated by “widespread corruption.”

The document also cites denial of fair public trials, limits on freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, violence against journalists, and limits on religious freedom due to extremist threats.

It says a “culture of impunity” largely protected members of the security services and government bodies.

Kazakhstan

The report says Kazkhstan’s most significant human rights problems were «severe limits on citizens’ rights to change their government, restrictions on freedom of speech, press, assembly, religion, and association, and lack of an independent judiciary and due process.»

It also cites «pervasive corruption and law enforcement and judicial abuse.»

The document notes that Kazakhstan’s government is dominated by President Nursultan Nazarbaev and the ruling Nur-Otan Party, with power concentrated in the presidency under the constitution.

The report says national 2012 elections for the lower house of parliament fell short of international standards and stresses that Nazarbaev received 95 percent of the vote in the 2011 presidential election.

It also mentions arbitrary arrests and detentions by authorities.

Kyrgyzstan

The report says Kyrgyzstan’s most important human rights problems included continued ethnic tensions in the south and a lack of accountability in judicial and law enforcement proceedings.

The report also cites law enforcement officials’ use of arbitrary arrest, mistreatment, torture, and extortion — particularly against ethnic Uzbeks.

The document says there were problems with arbitrary killings by law enforcement officials, a lack of judicial impartiality, the harassment of nongovernmental organizations, activists, and journalists, and pressure on independent media.

The report says the government’s inability to hold rights violators accountable allowed security forces to act arbitrarily, emboldened law enforcement to “prey on vulnerable citizens,” and empowered mobs to disrupt trials by attacking defendants, attorneys, witnesses, and judges.

Macedonia

The State Department says Macedonia’s most critical human rights problem was the government’s failure to fully respect the rule of law.

The report says that reflected in the government’s failure to follow parliamentary procedures, interference in the judiciary and the media, and selective prosecution of political opponents of the leadership.

It also cites “significant levels” of government corruption and police impunity as well as tensions between the ethnic Albanian and Macedonian communities and discrimination against Roma and other ethnic minorities.

Other rights problems included mistreatment of detainees, delayed access to legal counsel by detainees and defendants, child prostitution, and mistreatment of patients in psychiatric hospitals.

Moldova

The report’s authors list government corruption as the most serious human rights problem in Moldova.

The report says that allegations of police torture and mistreatment of detainees were a second major area of concern.

The document says Moldova is a parliamentary democracy where powers are separated clearly, but notes that a prolonged political crisis undermined insitutional stability while corruption eroded the credbility of the police and judiciary.

It says impunity among corrupt officials was «a major problem.»

The report also mentions that the central government in Chisinau continues to be barred from exercising control in the separatist region of Transdniester, where authorities have established parallel administrative structures.

It lists torture, arbitrary arrests, and unlawful detentions as regular practices in Transdniester.

Pakistan

The report says extrajudicial and targeted killings, forced disappearances, and torture affected thousands of citizens in nearly all parts of Pakistan.

Other human rights problems included poor prison conditions, arbitrary detention, and a lack of judicial independence in the lower courts.

It says harassment of journalists, some censorship, and self-censorship continued, along with religious freedom violations and discrimination against religious minorities — including some violations sanctioned by law.

The document says rape, domestic violence, sexual harassment, and discrimination against women remained serious problems.

It says abuses by government officials often went unpunished, fostering a culture of impunity, and criticizes the government, saying it made few attempts to combat widespread corruption.

Russia

The State Department criticizes Russia for introducing measures last year that limit political pluralism and curtail the activities of nongovernmental organizations.

The report says Russia adopted laws that impose “harsh fines” for unsanctioned meetings, recriminalize libel, allow authorities to block websites without a court order, and “significantly expand” the definition of treason.

The document also cites a new law identifying nongovernmental organizations as “foreign agents” if they engage in “political activity” while receiving foreign funding.

It says media outlets were “pressured to alter their coverage or to fire reporters and editors critical of the government.”

The report says the government failed to take adequate steps to punish most officials who committed abuses, resulting in “a climate of impunity.”

Serbia

The report says that Serbia is a constitutional parliamentary democracy but it faced some serious human rights problems last year that included discrimination and violence against minorities, especially Roma.

The report also ranks harassment of journalists as being a significant area of concern, as well as corruption in health care, education, and government.

It also points to an inefficient judicial system as being the cause for lengthy and delayed trials, and long periods of pretrial detention.

Other problems reported during the year included physical mistreatment of detainees by police, harassment of human rights advocates, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) groups and individuals, as well as groups and individuals critical of the government.

It says trafficking in persons remained a grave problem.

Tajikistan

The report’s authors call Tajikistan «an authoritarian state» that is politically dominated by President Emomali Rahmon and his supporters.

The report says the country’s constitution provides for a multiparty political system but, in reality, the government obstructs real democracy in the country.

The document states that the most significant human rights problems are «the torture and abuse of detainees and other persons by security forces, restrictions on freedoms of expression and the free flow of information, including the repeated blockage of several independent news and social networking Web sites, the erosion of religious freedom; and violence and discrimination against women.»

The report also cites arbitrary arrests, the denial of the right to a fair trial, and harsh prison conditions.

Turkmenistan

The report says Turkmenistan’s most important human rights problems include the use of arbitrary arrest and torture.

It says the government’s “disregard” for civil liberties translated into restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and movement.

It also points to citizens’ inability to change their government, interference in the practice of religion, and the denial of fair trials.

The document says officials in the security services and elsewhere in the government acted with impunity, with no reported prosecutions of government officials for human rights abuses.

Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov remained president following a February election that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights said involved limited choices for voters.

Ukraine

The State Department says one of the most serious human rights problems in Ukraine is the “politically motivated” imprisonment of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.

The report says another major problem was the failure of the October parliamentary elections to meet international standards of fairness and transparency.

It cites other issues including “increased government interference with and pressure on media outlets,” abuse of people in custody, an “inefficient and corrupt” judicial system, “pervasive corruption in all branches of government,” and government pressure on nongovernment organizations.

The document also highlights a «rise in discrimination and violence» against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered people.

It says the government “generally did not” prosecute security officials who committed abuses.

Uzbekistan

The report says Uzbekistan’s executive branch under President Islam Karimov exercised nearly complete control over the other branches of government.

The report says the most significant human rights problems included the torture and abuse of detainees by security forces, the denial of fair trials, and “widespread restrictions” on religious freedom.

Other continuing problems were sometimes life-threatening prison conditions, governmental restrictions on civil society activity, and government-organized forced labor in cotton harvesting.

The document says authorities subjected those who criticized the government to harassment, arbitrary arrest, and politically motivated prosecution and detention.

It adds that officials “frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity.”

http://www.rferl.org/content/us-human-rights-reports-countries/24963086.html

Tajikistan is not a place that sees a lot of protests these days. So it is a cause for wonder when demonstrators spontaneously gather outside the US Embassy and United Nations offices in Dushanbe to air complaints that mirror authorities’ stated views – without facing any serious challenge from law enforcement authorities.

Such was the case on April 5-6, when protestors assembled to criticize a Ukrainian court decision not to extradite former Prime Minister Abdumalik Abdullajanov, who is wanted in Dushanbe for attempting to overthrow President Imomali Rakhmon back in the mid-1990s. Abdullajanov – who has refugee status in the United States – was released from a Ukrainian jail on April 4. The UN urged Kyiv not to send him to Tajikistan, reasoning that it was unlikely he would receive a fair trial at home.

Local media estimated that about 200 people overall participated in simultaneous protests on April 5, waving banners calling Abdullajanov a criminal and demanding that he face justice. About 15 people organized a picket outside UN offices the next day. Few Tajiks seemed concerned about Abdullajanov’s fate while he was in detention, so the protests have sparked widespread speculation they were organized by authorities angry at the Ukrainian court’s decision – and, implicitly, at Washington for granting him asylum.

Under Tajik law, any demonstration, even if only one person participates, must receive official permission. After opposition members asked why authorities allowed these rallies, and forbid, for example, a rally over the deaths of civilian Muslims in Gaza last year, the Interior Ministry called the demonstrations illegal and said it had arrested “four or five” protestors for “disturbing public order,” but did not release names or comment further.

Nuriddin Karshiboev, chairman of the National Association of Independent Media (NANSMIT) expressed befuddlement over the protests. “Tajikistan’s youth stands far from politics,” he told EurasiaNet.org. “The students with banners who were demanding the extradition of the ‘criminal Abdullajanov’ … were born after he had left the country. It is unlikely the protesters clearly knew what they were protesting against.”

Where the protests go from here is unclear. The US Embassy issued a security warning for US citizens on April 9. Meanwhile, the UN office approached the Tajik Foreign Ministry, the National Security Committee and the Interior Ministry requesting extra security, a staff member confirmed to EurasiaNet.org.

Human rights activist Dilrabo Samadova, head of the young lawyers’ association Amparo, which authorities shut down last year, told EurasiaNet.org that she remembers only one comparable event. “A similar rally involving university students took place in Khujand [in 2009]. Professors released them [students] from classes so they could march along the streets carrying banners in support of purchasing shares in the Rogun hydropower plant,” she said, referring to President Rahmon’s dream project, the completion of the world’s tallest hydroelectric dam.

“There was no youth or civil initiative behind that jolly demonstration. Local functionaries and the university administration just wanted to impress central authorities with their patriotism,” said Samadova. She said all signs suggested that the April 5-6 rallies were organized from above.

More than a few participants in discussions on social networks, especially Facebook, have expressed a similar belief — that authorities organized the early April protests to give the Abdullajanov extradition request a veneer of popular support.

Social networks have been an apparent source of concern for authorities in recent years. Facebook has been blocked several times in the past year, often for “prophylactic maintenance.” And last week, once again, the state communications agency ordered local Internet service providers to block access to the video-sharing platform YouTube, the head of one telecoms provider in Dushanbe confirmed to EurasiaNet.org.

In a withering critique posted on the Ozodagon news agency’s web site, journalist Marat Mamadshoev called on Tajik authorities to focus on domestic problems, rather than worry about trying to silence critics abroad.

“Authorities must have known that the ex-premier has refugee status in the United States. They should have crossed him off the wanted list,” Mamadshoev wrote on April 5. “The internal situation is far more dangerous: […] employment opportunities are not being created, people are disappointed by the authorities, by the judicial system, by everything that is going on.”

“Instead of countering problems and conducting reforms, they [authorities] are chasing yesterday’s phantoms,” Mamadshoev added.

Editor’s note: 

Konstantin Parshin is a freelance writer based in Tajikistan

http://www.eurasianet.org/node/66816

Esfandiar Adena is the BBC Media Action Fellow at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ) for spring 2013. In April, he will begin a research project at RISJ in Oxford on social media and governance in Tajikistan.

I was born in 1975 in a remote village in Tajikistan called Vashan. It lies high up in the northern Zarafshan valley which has historically been so isolated that even dialects differ from one village to another. But that isolation is beginning to change.

As a child, I remember one occasion when my father fell ill with high blood pressure. My brother had to go to the central office of our Soviet-style collective farm to even find a phone and it took at least two hours for the ambulance to arrive to take my father to the clinic 8km away. Patients, including pregnant women, sometimes died on the way to the clinic.

Now mobile phones have revolutionised the lives of those villagers. Telavmorad Ayev, the schoolteacher who taught me the Persian alphabet all those years ago, told me, «Thank God that such a device was invented. When someone becomes ill, we can now easily call doctors, who can give advice and guidance right away so it’s not necessary sometimes to even visit patients. So much energy, time and effort is saved.»

Phones, but no electricity

But it’s not all good news. «During the Soviet period we had abundant electricity but no phones. Now we have mobiles but no electricity,» says Mehroddin Nabiyev, who owns a small grocery shop in the village and uses his mobile to call partners in other villages. «It is such an interesting but painful contrast.»

Mehroddin’s shop in Vashan.The lack of electricity is a huge problem across Tajikistan but particularly in rural areas where villagers use traditional wood-burning stoves to warm their homes. When power does get turned on for an hour or two, everybody rushes to charge their mobiles so they can communicate with their relatives working abroad.

The Foreign Factor

It’s this huge part of the Tajikistan population working abroad that has had a lasting impact on mobile communication in the country.

Faced with widespread corruption, poverty and unemployment in Tajikistan, more than one million Tajiks have left the country for work over the past two decades, mainly for the construction sites in Russia and Kazakhstan. Abuse and harassment of these foreign migrants is common, but the money they send home amounts to roughly 47% of Tajikistan’s national GDP.

Having a mobile in Tajikistan therefore isn’t just about entertainment. It’s a vital way for migrant workers to regularly call their relatives and send money.

And it’s one of the main factors explaining why mobile communication is far more advanced than any other economic sector, such as energy, agriculture or transport, in Tajikistan.  LTE (Long-Term Evolution, the new 4G wireless broadband standard) technologies and VoIP (internet telephony) are widespread. What’s more, 3.7 million people – almost half of the population – use the internet and according to statistics, the majority of these internet users are young people using mobiles phone to go online.

Online debate — and the political backlash

This rapid growth in mobile usage among young populations has provided a new space for young Tajik people to actively discuss social, religious, economic and political problems in a country where more than 40% of the population live below the poverty line.

«Young people are very interested in social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Russian-made Odnoklasniki (Classmates),» Asamidin Atayev, the head of the Association of Internet Providers of Tajikistan says. «They make new friends, chat, comment and debate in social forums. They upload their photos, videos and share views and news.»

A Facebook posting mocking former Tajik Education Minister Abdujabbar Rahmanov.Young people are actively challenging their leaders on such online platforms. In Facebook groups with names as Tajikistan Online, Platforma, Tajikistan-e Nouvin (New Tajikistan), people are posting and sharing caricatures of government officials. Most recently, a caricature of former Education Minister Abdujabbar Rahmanov appeared on Facebook after he ordered female students to wear shoes with heels not less than 10 cm.

This increased use of social media has not gone unnoticed. The authorities’ response has been furious:  there have been several attempts to block access to Facebook, for example, although such attempts have only made social networks more popular.

Even Tajikistan’s President, Emamali Rahman, has gone on record to criticise the Tajiks’ growing use of mobile phones. In a televised speech in January 2009, he said that money spent on mobile phones is money «spent ineffectively» and that «only two mobile phones are enough in a family. If people save their money, we would be able to build new power stations.» The state television channel also took mobile companies’ adverts off air and started to broadcast programmes about the health risks of mobile phones.

President Rahman has recently celebrated his 20th year in power but the signs are that his popularity is decreasing and that this year’s presidential election in November will prove a great challenge to his remaining in office. New media technologies – embodied by the mobile phone in people’s pockets – will surely play an interesting role in these elections.

The BBC Media Action fellowship at The Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism is funded by the Global Grant from the UK Government’s Department forInternational Development.

March 22, 2013

Despite formidable obstacles, independent media has for years managed to maintain an on-the-ground presence in Uzbekistan. 

Amid a lingering climate of fear hanging over southern Kyrgyzstan, journalists there are embracing a Soviet-style survival tactic: rather than run the risk of reprisals for writing freely, they are self-censoring and reporting only on what are considered safe topics.

Appearances can be slightly deceiving when it comes to gauging the operating environment for reporters in Kyrgyzstan. Reporters Without Borders, in its 2013 World Press Freedom Index, indicated that Kyrgyzstan’s media climate is the most favorable in Central Asia, ranking it 106th, out of the 179 countries evaluated. Tajikistan was the next best, coming in at 123rd. Kazakhstan ranked 160th, Uzbekistan 164th and Turkmenistan 177th.

The Reporters Without Borders report looks at Kyrgyzstan as a whole. Local observers, however, say that conditions in the northern and southern sections of the country are markedly different. Southern Kyrgyzstan was the scene of widespread inter-ethnic violence in 2010 and tensions have remained high there since then, with ethnic Uzbeks feeling particularly skittish. Given the situation, the quality of journalism in the region is suffering, according to a Bishkek-based media watchdog, called Journalists.

“The sad reality is that journalists in southern Kyrgyzstan try to defend themselves by heavy self-censorship,” Aigul Matieva, a media lawyer and attorney for Journalists, told EurasiaNet.org. “Media people do not dare to write openly about their concerns, as they are low-paid and vulnerable.”

Local officials in southern Kyrgyzstan deny that the media climate is repressive. “The government does not interfere in work of journalists,” Kamil Sydykov, the head of the Osh Mayor’s Press Service, told EurasiaNet.org. “They decide how they write and what they write about. We do not control them, and do not give them instructions.”

Journalists in southern Kyrgyzstan contend that authorities don’t need to be heavy-handed because, based on what has occurred in the region over the past two-plus years, it’s easy for anyone to anticipate what can happen to those who contradict the official line. Cholpon S., a local journalist from Osh, who asked to change her name for security reasons, readily admits that she avoids writing anything critical of the policies and practices of government officials, both on the local and national level.

“I have a feeling that all critical materials are being monitored by Kyrgyz authorities, therefore I, like most of my colleagues, stay away from reporting on political, nationalism or corruption issues,” Cholpon told EurasiaNet.org. “If you criticize authorities, you may end up being questioned by a National Security Committee officer in a best-case scenario. Writing stories about growing nationalism is more dangerous, as an angry mob can attack for you being unpatriotic.”

Cholpon is not an exception as many journalists admit to being concerned about their personal security. Stanislav Polishuk, a freelance reporter based in Osh, says journalists self-censor their stories because they realize “in case of trouble nothing can protect him or her.”

“Unfortunately, the law may not always be a reliable protection, as quite often interviewees speak off the record, or ask not to mention their family names. And without making references to sources, a reporter can’t justify and prove his or her critical materials,” Polishuk told EurasiaNet.org.

Begaim Usenova, the head of Institute for Media Policy in Bishkek, says the threat of lawsuits is a significant factor in media self-censorship. Kyrgyz courts are not deemed independent and officials have been known to use the judicial system to enforce their political will. An easy way to get revenge against a journalist or media outlet that riles a member of the political elite, then, is for that power-broker to file a lawsuit.

“In 2012, the Institute for Media Policy participated in 24 court trials and registered 8 acts of violence against reporters,” Usenova told EurasiaNet.org. “When former or incumbent state officials or lawmakers claim damages while suing journalists, they ask for over million soms (approximately US $21,200), which shows that they do not seek refutation, but rather want to shut down a certain media outlet.”

Usenova went on to note that a Kyrgyz parliamentary resolution, which prompted a ban on the Russian-language news service Ferghana News, has had a chilling effect on local journalists. “In June 2011, the National Parliament, while discussing the temporary parliamentary commission investigation of the results of the tragic 2010 events, passed a resolution and ordered the Government to take measures to block [Ferghana News],” Usenova explained.

“Consequently, following the resolution, in February 2012, the national communication provider “Kyrgyztelecom” restricted access to the site for residents of this country, without having either legal right or without any judicial decision.”

“Kyrgyzstan is a member of the OSCE, and lawmakers of the national parliament should not take decisions to restrict the freedom of the mass media, including Internet media outlets,” Usenova added. International media watchdogs also have assailed Kyrgyz authorities over the ban, and Ferghana News representatives have brought a pair of lawsuits seeking to lift the restriction and enhance press freedom.

Address of the original publication: http://www.eurasianet.org/node/66543

As President Imomali Rahmon gears up for a reelection bid later this year, he’s apparently trying to take care of some unfinished business from Tajikistan’s civil war, which ended 16 years ago. Specifically, Rahmon is striving to neutralize a prominent political rival, former Prime Minister Abdumalik Abdullajanov.

Abdullajanov has lived in exile for almost two decades, mostly in the United States. But on February 5, he was taken into custody at Kyiv’s Boryspil Airport on an Interpol warrant sought by the Tajik government back in 1997. At the time of his arrest, he had just gotten off of a flight from Los Angeles. A local court has issued an order allowing for Abdullajanov’s detention for up to 40 days while Ukrainian and Tajik authorities wrangle over an extradition request.

According to the Tajik prosecutor general’s office, Abdullajanov was involved in a conspiracy to assassinate President Rahmon back in 1997, and he also engaged in anti-state activity through his alleged support for the rebel colonel Makhmud Khudoiberdyev in northern Tajikistan in the late 1990s. In addition, he’s accused of abuse of power while holding political office, including embezzlement and racketeering charges. Abdullajanov served as prime minister from 1992-93, after which he became Tajikistan’s ambassador to Russia. In 1994, he was a challenger to Rahmon in the presidential election. He left the country shortly after Rahmon won the vote.

Abdullajanov’s lawyer in Ukraine, Andriy Fedur, has asserted that the charges against the former prime minister are politically motivated. He also told the Kyiv Post that Abdullajanov has refugee status in the United States, and thus cannot be legally extradited to Tajikistan, where it is unlikely that he would receive a fair trial, and where his client would fear for his life. Abdullajanov has denied the charges against him, and has protested the Ukrainian court’s detention ruling.

Officials in Dushanbe don’t seem to be overly concerned with the niceties of international refugee law. Local media outlets in Tajikistan quoted Interior Minister Ramazon Rakhimov as saying that “although Abdullajanov has lived for the last 15 years in the US, he is still the citizen of the republic [Tajikistan], and he must bear responsibility for his deeds according to the law of his country.”

If convicted, the 64-year-old Abdullajanov could face a 20-year prison term and confiscation of his property.

In recent years, Abdullajanov has kept a low profile. His arrest in Ukraine came as a surprise to some political Dushanbe analysts, who contend that Abdullajanov no longer poses much of a threat to Rahmon’s grip on power.

But other observers suggest that a possible motive for the arrest is an allegation that Abdullojanov has links to Dodojon Atovulloyev, a journalist who is one of the most active critics of Rahmon’s administration, and who heads the Vatandor (Patriot) political movement. In early 2012, Atovulloyev was the apparent target of an assassination attempt. Abdullojanov has never publicly denied a connection to Atovulloyev.

On February 6, Atovulloyev issued a statement calling on Western governments and international rights organizations to exert pressure on Ukraine to prevent an extradition. “The extradition of Abdullajanov to Tajikistan, where the judicial system is a tool of execution in the hands of Rahmon, and where prisoners are exposed to torture, … is an inevitable threat of his physical elimination,” the statement said.

Observers in Tajikistan are wondering if a late-January incident involving three kidnapped Ukrainian citizens in Tajikistan may be connected to Abdullajanov’s arrest in Ukraine. According to media reports, Tajik law-enforcement authorities carried out an operation on January 31 that secured therelease of the three Ukrainians who had been in Tajikistan on a business trip at the time of their kidnapping. Officials in Dushanbe have not commented publicly on the matter.

Several experts also note that Abdullajanov was detained in Kyiv, not in Amsterdam – although he flew from Los Angeles via Amsterdam to Kyiv. The Interpol warrant was apparently not deemed credible by law-enforcement authorities in the Netherlands.

Oldrich Andrysek, the regional representative in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, has come out in support of Abdullojanov, hinting that Tajik authorities were improperly manipulating Interpol. “If someone is put on Interpol’s wanted list, it does not mean that he is guilty. Unfortunately, political opponents sometimes appear on Interpol’s lists, not just economic or other ‘classical’ thieves. The charter of this organization clearly indicates that Interpol cannot be used to achieve political goals.”

Nuriddin Karshiboev, head of the Tajik National Association of Independent Media, told EurasiaNet.org that there are several factors that suggest it will be difficult for Tajik authorities to secure Abdullojanov’s extradition. “Firstly, Ukraine is presently chairing the OSCE, and Kyiv hardly needs any admonitions” relating to sending Abdullojanov back to Tajikistan, Karshiboev said. He added that the US government is also unlikely to sanction the extradition of someone to whom it has granted asylum.

January 14, 2013

January 11, 2013

Journalists from around the world who are interested in sharing, expanding and researching public policy and political affairs can apply for this fellowship.

The Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government is accepting applications for the Joan Shorenstein Center Fellowship.

Applicants must be journalists, scholars or policymakers active in the field of press, politics and public policy. English fluency is required.

Fellows are required to live in residence for one semester, and will receive a US$30,000 stipend disbursed in four installments over the semester. Travel and living expenses are not covered by the center.

Office space, computer, printer and telephone are provided. To apply, send a cover letter, a completed application form, a research project proposal, a curriculum vitae/resume and recommendations.

The deadline is February 1.

For more information, click here: http://shorensteincenter.org/fellowships/fellowship-application/

IJNET

Источник: http://shorensteincenter.org/fellowships/fellowship-application/