KHATLON, Tajikistan — Twenty underground religious schools with a total of 189 students have been discovered over the past week in Tajikistan’s southern Khatlon district alone, RFE/RL’s Tajik Service reports.

Khatlon police chief Abdurahmon Buzmakov said on October 25 that the private unregistered schools, some based in the homes of mullahs, were illegal. He said 20 teachers who were detained in the past week did not have formal permission from the State Religious Affairs Committee and local administrations to teach Islamic studies to children. Up to 130 children have been studying in such schools in the Qubodiyon and Qumsangir districts.

In recent years, authorities have intensified their control over nongovernment teaching, and RFE/RL reports from Qurghonteppa that many parents now opt to teach their children about religion at home.

Tajikistan’s president and education minster have called on parents to bring home their children studying at Islamic universities abroad lest they become «terrorists and extremists.» Dozens of such students have already returned to Tajikistan.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Tajikistan_Cracks_Down_On_Unregistered_Religious_Schools/2201929.html

DUSHANBE — Tajik television journalist Husnigul Daminova is seeking release from custody one month after her detention on charges of «hooliganism,» RFE/RL’s Tajik Service reports.

Daminova was detained on September 28 on the basis of allegations by Tajik State TV and Radio head Asadullo Rahmonov following an argument between them. Daminova, who is 48 years old and has worked for state TV for 16 years, had protested Rahmonov’s refusal to allocate her a two-room company apartment.

An official at Dushanbe’s Shohmansur district court told RFE/RL that the investigation into Rahmonov’s allegations against Daminova is not yet complete.

Daminova’s lawyer, Qimat Rozieva, said her client is mentally exhausted and is seeking a release from custody.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Detained_Tajik_TV_Journalist_Seeks_Release_After_Month_In_Jail/2200810.

Already denounced in the 2009 edition of the World Press Freedom Index, the often liberticidal legislative activity of certain European Union Member States, and the new upsurge in anti-press proceedings brought by political leaders, are weakening the European freedom of expression model and, in so doing, are undermining its external policy and the universal impact of its values.

Ireland is still punishing blasphemy with a EUR 25,000 fine. Romania now considers the media a threat to national security and plans to legally censor its activities. In Italy, where ten or so journalists still live under police protection, only an unprecedented national media mobilisation’s tenacity helped to defeat a bill aimed at prohibiting the publication of the content of telephone call intercepts, one of the main sources used in judicial and investigative journalism. Although the United Kingdom still benefits from a free and high-quality media, its defamation laws offer grounds for assembly-line trials brought by censors of every sort. Not only would this be counter-productive, but all such actions would complicate the mission of those who, outside of the EU, are trying to secure the decriminalisation of press offences.

The heads of European governments, like their parliamentary colleagues, are gaining notoriety for their increasingly systematic use of proceedings against the news media and its journalists. The latter have to endure the insults which political leaders allow themselves to indulge in ever more frequently in their statements, following, in such matters, the deplorable example of press freedom predators, and overlooking the moral obligations inherent in their public office.

In Slovenia, the former Prime Minister is thus competing with Silvio Berlusconi and Robert Fico by demanding no less than 1.5 million euros from a journalist who denounced irregularities tainting certain procurement contracts. In France, the presidential majority could not find words harsh enough to label journalists who inquired into the Woerth/Bettencourt affair. But the prize for political meddling goes to the Greek government which, in a manner not unlike most of the government censors, went so far as to request its German counterpart to apologise for the Greek economic crisis headline used by the magazine Stern.

Among the EU-27 countries whose rankings declined the most, Bulgaria continues its slide and has ended up, along with Greece, in 70th place – the worst position held by EU member countries. France (44th) and Italy (49th), still dealing with some major interference in media activity by their political leaders, confirmed their status as the “dunces” of the EU’s founding countries. Although we may welcome with cautious relief the ebbing ETA attacks against the media in Spain (39th), we cannot help but be concerned by the court verdict of 21 months in prison and the prohibition to exercise their profession brought against Daniel Anido, director of the private radio station Cadena SER, and Rodolfo Irago, the news director of the same radio network.

In Denmark (11th) as well as Sweden (1st), press freedom is faring well, but murder attempts against cartoonists Kurt Westergaard and Lars Vilks are opening a door to self-censorship, which until now had been negligible, in a climate of rising extremism and nationalism. Slovakia (35th), which is just emerging from former Prime Minister Robert Fico’s tumultuous era, now merits watching, while among the Baltic States, Latvia (30th) is experiencing an odd return to violence and censorship in an electoral period.

Although weakened, the European Union remains one of the rare areas in which the media can exist under acceptable conditions. Naturally, constant vigilance is needed to ensure that this weakening can be freely fought. The European Parliament, though legitimately very active internationally in such issues, has shown the full limits of its exercise of power in refusing, by one vote, in plenary session, to address the subject of press freedom in Italy.

The Balkan Peninsula is still a concern and has recorded major changes. Montenegro (-27), Macedonia (-34), Serbia (-23) and Kosovo (-17) constitute the most substantial losses. Although the legislative reforms required for accession to the EU have been adopted in most Balkan countries, their implementation is still in the embryonic – if not non-existent – stage.

Control of the public and private media by the calculated use of institutional advertising budgets and the collusion between political and judicial circles is making the work of journalists increasingly difficult. In a precarious situation, caught in a vice between the violence of ultranationalist groups and authorities who have not yet rid themselves of old reflexes from the Communist era, an increasing portion of journalists are settling for a calculated self-censorship or a mercenary journalism which pays better, but gradually ruins the profession’s credibility. Blighted by mafioso activities which, every year, strengthen their financial stranglehold on the media sector, independent publications are waging an ongoing battle which deserves more sustained attention from European neighbours.

At Europe’s doors, Turkey and Ukraine are experiencing historically low rankings, the former (138th) being separated from Russia’s position (140th) only by Ethiopia (139th). These declines can be explained, as far as Turkey is concerned, by the frenzied proliferation of lawsuits, incarcerations, and court sentencing targeting journalists. Among them, there are many media outlets and professionals which are either Kurd or are covering the Kurd issue. Ukraine is paying the price of the multiple press freedom violations which have broadsided the country since February 2010 and Viktor Yanukovych’s election as Head of State. These violations initially met with indifference by the local authorities. Worse still, censorship has signalled its return, particularly in the audiovisual sector, and serious conflicts of interest are menacing Ukraine’s media pluralism.

Russia now occupies a position (140th) more like it had in previous years, with the exception of 2009, which was marred by the murder of several journalists and human rights activists. Nonetheless, the country has recorded no improvement. The system remains as tightly controlled as ever, and impunity reigns unchallenged in cases of violence against journalists.

Central Asia’s prospects are dismal. In addition to Turkmenistan, which – in the 176th place – is still one of the worst governments in the world in terms of freedom (only the state-owned media is tolerated there and even that is often “purged”), Kazakhstan (162nd) and Kyrgyzstan (159th) are ranked dangerously close to Uzbekistan, holding steady in the 163rd position.

Almaty has gained notoriety through repeated attacks on the rights of the media and journalists in the very year in which he presides over the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), when the country is bound to be subjected to particularly close scrutiny. Despite repeated calls for remedying problems of all kinds which are hampering media activity, authorities have not deemed it necessary to do so, nor to release Ramazan Eserguepov, detained in prison for political reasons. Kazakhstan’s neighbouring country, Kyrgyzstan joined this descent into the depths of the Index, to the discredit of April’s change of power and June’s inter-ethnic conflicts. As for Uzbekistan, the core of independent journalists who refuse to give up is now in the judicial authorities’ line of fire. Documentary film-makers, like trusted journalists, have also been victims of the regime’s paranoia.

All of these developments have only been met with indifference on the part of the European States, too concerned about energy security to protest scandalous practices which violate every international commitment made by Central Asian governments.

Lastly, the situation is dreary and stable in Belarus, torn between two allegiances – one to Moscow and the other to the EU – and caught up in a delicate balancing act between these two powers. The regime makes no concession to civil society and continues, as the December presidential elections approach, to put pressure on the country’s few remaining independent media outlets.

RSF

Источник: http://www.rsf.org/IMG/CLASSEMENT_2011/GB/C_EUROPE_GB.pdf

When it comes to education, Tajik officials are willing to cite statistics, no mater how dire. Indeed, the education sector is one of Tajikistan’s few trouble spots that President Imomali Rahmon discusses openly.

“Along with all our achievements [in education], there are lots of problems, mainly the lack of professionals,” Rahmon said at a school opening in September, the state news agency reported.

The commencement of the academic year saw 3,780 schools welcome roughly 1.6 million school-age children. Included in those figures were 184 new schools capable of educating 35,000 students, local media outlets reported. That’s a substantial achievement for a country as economically hard-pressed [4] as Tajikistan. But the education sector is still struggling to keep pace with the expanding number of students. More serious than the lagging pace of school construction is a shortage of qualified teachers.

At least 10,000 of the country’s teachers lack basic qualifications, such as a university degree, Education Ministry officials admit. Most schools operate in shifts, with students only attending a few hours of classes a day. And in rural areas, high school students now teach grade-schoolers.
Given Tajikistan’s high birthrate, the teacher shortage is set to intensify. According to Save the Children, 35 percent of Tajikistan’s population is under age 15. Though the government boasts of a 98 percent literacy rate – thanks to universal education during the Soviet era – experts say that number is in freefall.

Most teachers are leaving the profession not because they have lost their desire to instruct, but because they cannot afford it. According to government figures, the average monthly salary in Tajikistan is 309 Somoni (about $70). Teachers, among the lowest paid professionals, earn around $56 monthly. Most say it is impossible to live on such a wage and many seek second jobs, or leave their positions to search for work abroad.

“A lot of people with a higher education do not want to work in schools because of the low salary and the low [social] status afforded to the teachers’ profession. They don’t want to work in schools and instead find other jobs,” said Zulobi Mamadfozilov, education program manager at the Aga Khan Foundation. “Only those people who don’t have any other options work as teachers.”

The pay issue affects the whole system [5] – “from village schools up to the Ministry of Education,” Mamadfozilov told EurasiaNet.org.

Teaching standards are quickly “falling behind,” says Nodira Rakhmonberdyeva, director of the Manizha Information-Educational Center in Dushanbe. “Under the Soviet system, every single teacher during his or her entire career had to regularly attend training courses. The Ministry of Education controlled teachers’ proper application of traditional and newly adopted teaching methodologies. Every once in a while teachers had to pass qualification exams to remain in compliance with tough professional requirements,” Rakhmonberdyeva explained. Now the government lacks the resources to properly check teachers’ qualifications, Rakhmonberdyeva added.

According to the Tajik Constitution, general education is free and the first nine years are compulsory. But in reality, parents these days pay a de facto tuition that can get expensive. Many schools collect funds for refurbishment, equipment and teachers’ salaries. These “voluntary donations” vary from one school to the next, but many parents complain they are unable to afford the fees. Failure to pay can mean stigmatization or even expulsion. In some cases, experts say, the imposition of fees discourage parents from sending their children to school at all.

The downward trend for Tajikistan’s educational system started with the devastating civil war [6] in the 1990s that, according to UN statistics, left tens of thousands dead and forced more than 700,000 to flee, roughly one-tenth of the overall population. Tajikistan hasn’t yet recovered from the trauma.

“Deterioration in the nation’s education began right after the collapse of the USSR,” says Roza Umarova, a retired teacher of more than 30 years. “My granddaughter attends a relatively good school in downtown Dushanbe. It still has a good reputation, but the current state of teaching here hardly resembles that in the late 1980s. Students spend limited number of hours in school – many subjects are lacking because of the teacher shortage. However, the school administration consistently collects money from parents, explaining that without these “voluntary donations,” the school would hardly survive at all.”

President Rakhmon declared 2010 “The Year of Education and Technical Knowledge.” But the moniker means little if the state cannot attract teachers and the parents cannot afford to send their children to school.

Editor’s note:
Konstantin Parshin is a freelance writer based in Tajikistan

Konstantin Parshin, EurasiaNet

Источник: http://www.eurasianet.org/node/62222

War of words as authorities and journalists accuse each other of unfair treatment.

By Lochin Karimov — Central Asia Human Rights Reporting Project

Tajik government has fallen out badly with the media, accusing journalists of poor and inaccurate reporting on recent clashes with militants in the east of the country. Media rights groups have expressed alarm at curbs placed on press and internet news outlets, while reporters say they were unable to check facts because of a virtual blackout on information about the violence.

The stand-off has got steadily worse. Media representatives refuse to acknowledge any possibility that some of the reporting might have been skewed. By placing curbs on internet and press publications, the authorities have not helped matters.

In an October 18 statement, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Dunja Mijatovic voiced concern at the “ongoing deterioration of the media freedom situation” resulting from newspaper closures and blocked access to news websites.

Officials in Tajikistan reacted furiously to the way the media reported clashes between government troops and armed militants who killed 25 soldiers in a single encounter in the Rasht valley on September 19. The attackers are believed to be led by former opposition commanders from the 1992-97 Tajik civil war, possibly assisted by militants coming in from neighbouring Afghanistan.

The first criticism of media coverage came on September 25 when Tajik state TV carried a message from the defence ministry’s press office accusing private media outlets of biased reporting. The statement singled out an article in the weekly Faraj that urged the defence ministry to apologise to the families of the soldiers killed in the ambush and called for the resignation of the defence minister.

Seventeen media outlets and organisations responded to the ministry statement with one of their own, rejecting the allegations of bias, defending their right to report, and accusing defence officials of trying to persecute them.
The next move came from Defence Minister Sherali Khairulloev, in the shape of a strongly-worded statement of his own, published by the government news agency Khovar on October 4.

Khairulloev was incensed at what he felt was a “note of glee” in some of the reporting on the conflict, and said this hardly constituted true press freedom.
“Most of the articles by Tajikistan’s independent newspapers about a brutal attack by hired terrorists on a defence ministry convoy smell of support for this shameful action by ruthless murderers. Don’t our esteemed journalists realise that offering support to terrorists equals abetting terrorism, and that supporting terrorists is a serious crime?” he said.

“Many newspapers show no sign of condemning the odious actions of bloodthirsty terrorists, with the exception of a few that can be counted on the fingers of on one hand.”

The minister also referred to a wider political context in which some opposition politicians have accused the government rather than the armed militants of being principally to blame for the conflict. He dismissed opposition calls for a negotiated end to the fighting.

“At a time like this, they’re calling for dialogue and negotiations. One would like to ask, dialogue with whom? With terrorists and murderers, or with you leaders of political parties?” he asked.

As the dispute became more heated, three newspapers – Paykon, Istiqlol and Faraj – found themselves unable to publish, and access was blocked to local and foreign websites including avesta.tj, Tjknews.com, ferghana.ru and centrasia.ru.
The director of Oila-Print, Siyovush Hamdamov, which used to print all three papers, said the block on printing had nothing to do with politics – Istiqlol and Paykon owed it a lot of money. Faraj has now broken ties with the printing house as paper prices have gone up.

Nuriddin Karshiboev, who heads the National Association of Independent Media, dismissed these contractual questions and said, “It’s absolutely clear that what’s going on is the method where an official makes a phone call and issues instructions not to print them.”

The head of the Association of Internet Providers, Parvina Ibodova, said its members had been ordered by the communications ministry to block certain websites. She told the Asia-Plus news agency that they had written to request clarification from the ministry, but in the meantime had little option but to comply.

In response to what they see as intimidation, media rights groups have rallied to the cause.

Karshiboev’s association wrote to the defence minister on October 14 asking him to provide specific names of media outlets and journalists in relation to his allegations of supporting terrorism. A week later, a group of private media outlets and media rights groups set up a new Committee to Protect the Professional Rights of Journalists, which aims to put a stop to pressures on the media, restore unrestricted access to online media resources and print facilities, and in general get back to the same level of media freedom that existed until the dispute broke out.

The committee says its website will serve as a platform for media outlets and individual journalists unable to publish elsewhere.

The positions taken by the government and the media remain as far apart as ever.
Media representatives accuse the authorities of shooting the messenger instead of addressing alleged failings in the conduct of military operations in eastern Tajikistan.

Journalists also say the authorities have made it extremely difficult to get hold of information on which to base accurate reports on the ambush and on other incidents such as a helicopter crash during the security operation. They say that when they rang the defence and interior ministries, no one picked up the phones.

IWPR reporters had a similar experience when they tried to contact both ministries to get their views on the media reporting dispute.

Zebo Tajibaeva, acting director of the Asia-Plus news agency and until recently an IWPR editor, called on journalists to show restraint so as to avoid creating even greater tensions.

“I’d recommend that journalists avoid pouring oil on the flames at the moment. I think it would be better to pay more attention to behaving professionally, doing one’s job and providing objective, reliable information,” she said. “[Protest] banners and court cases won’t scare anyone and won’t resolve anything. The reactions can wait until the Rasht operation is over.”
Lochin Karimov is the pseudonym of a journalist in Tajikistan.

This article was produced jointly under two IWPR projects: Building Central Asian Human Rights Protection & Education Through the Media, funded by the European Commission; and the Human Rights Reporting, Confidence Building and Conflict Information Programme, funded by the Foreign Ministry of Norway.
The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of IWPR and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of either the European Union or the Foreign Ministry of Norway.

IWPR

Источник: http://iwpr.net/

Being ranked 115th in Reporters Without Borders 2010 Press Freedom Index may seem rather low. But Tajikistan’s position is higher than all of its immediate neighbors.
Tajikistan’s ranking is the highest among Central Asian states. Additionally, Tajikistan ranks higher than all of its immediate neighbors and nearby states like Ukraine (131), Russia (140), and Azerbaijan (152).

The report comes at a time when the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has criticized the Tajik media environment. According to an article in «The Moscow Times,» the OSCE has petitioned the government to «reverse the ongoing deterioration of the media freedom situation in Tajikistan.» Clearly, rankings like these are always going to involve some rather arbitrary decisions.

The 2010 rankings had other surprises as well. Finland climbed to the number one spot for the first time since 2006. And Eritrea beat out North Korea for the bottom spot on the table for the fourth year running.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Tajikistan_Freest_Media_Environment_In_Central_Asia/2198163.html

DUSHANBE, Tajikistan — Europe’s main human rights and security body, the OSCE, has criticized Tajikistan over its maltreatment of independent media and urged it to improve its record.

Since Sept. 29, several Tajik and foreign news web sites have been inaccessible in the Central Asian nation, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe said Monday in a statement.

A number of independent newspapers and printing houses had been subjected to tax inspections, after which the printing houses refused to print a number of independent newspapers, citing technical reasons, the OSCE said.

«The practices of blocking web sites, preventing newspapers from printing and launching tax or prosecutorial inspections … are serious non-compliance with Tajikistan’s OSCE media freedom commitments,» senior OSCE official Dunja Mijatovic told Foreign Minister Hamrokhon Zarifi in a letter.

Mijatovic, the OSCE’s representative on freedom of the media, urged Tajik authorities to recognize the importance of media pluralism and «reverse the ongoing deterioration of the media freedom situation in Tajikistan.»

Foreign Ministry spokesman Davlatali Nazriyev said the Tajik authorities had received the OSCE letter but denied the charges.

«I dare say, Internet sites are not mass media, according to legislation,» he said. «This is not only our legislation that states this, but also the legislation of countries in Europe. As for newspapers, no newspapers were shut down, while the suspension of some of them is due to purely technical problems.»
In the letter, Mijatovic raised cases pending against several local papers, several of which were facing closure because of disproportionate damages award by courts in libel cases brought by officials.

«I believe such actions [against media] are an initiative of some state officials responsible for the country’s ideology and keen to show that they are handling the situation in conditions of political instability,» said Zafar Abdullayev, director of private news agency Avesta.

Avesta’s site has been also blocked by the authorities. The agency had published critical opinions about official policies.

Reuters

Источник: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/tajiks-urged-to-stop-attacks-on-free-media/420604.html

VIENNA, 18 October 2010 — The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Dunja Mijatovic, said today that she was concerned about recent developments limiting media access and freedom and increasing pressure on independent media in Tajikistan.

In a letter to the Foreign Minister of Tajikistan, Hamrokhon Zarifi, the OSCE Representative wrote: «The practices of blocking websites, preventing newspapers from printing and launching tax or prosecutorial inspections by the authorities are serious non-compliance with Tajikistan’s OSCE media freedom commitments.»

Since 29 September, several Tajik and foreign information websites have been inaccessible in the country. At the same time, tax inspections took place in several independent newspapers and printing houses following which the printing houses refused to print a number of independent newspapers, citing technical reasons.

In her letter to Minister Zarifi, Mijatovic raised again the pending cases against the newspapers Aziya Plus, Farazh, Ozodagon, Paykon and Millat. If the court decision to award disproportionate damages in libel lawsuits brought on by public officials are not reconsidered by the higher courts, these publications could face closure.

«If these newspapers are closed, this would severely diminish pluralism in print media in the Tajikistan,» she wrote in the letter.
«I am very concerned and hope that the Tajik authorities will take on board my appeal, recognize the importance of maintaining media pluralism and thus reverse the ongoing deterioration of the media freedom situation in Tajikistan,» said Mijatovic.

http://www.osce.org/item/47140.html

Contacts:
Office of the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media
Wallnerstrasse 6
1010 Vienna
Austria
Tel: +43 1 514 36 6800
Fax: +43 1 514 36 6802

http://www.osce.org/item/47140.html

Reporters Without Borders deplores the offensive that the Tajik authorities have launched against media critical of the government, in which several newspapers have been forced to stop printing and access to many websites has been blocked.

In an open letter published by the official news agency Khovar on 4 October, defence minister Sherali Khairullayev accused 17 newspapers* that covered an attack by militants (possibly the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan) on an army convoy in the eastern Rasht valley on 19 September of “complicity with the terrorists” and “committing a grave crime.”

Despite protests from the newspapers and from press freedom defenders such as Nuriddin Karshiboev, the head of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan (NANSMIT), the authorities are continuing their attacks on the media.

Referring to the 1992-97 civil war, President Emomali Rakhmon accused “certain media” on 5 October of “taking their example from the 1990s and being bellicose.” Warning them against just seeking “sensationalism,” he added that “hoping for the support of their foreign protectors will not do them any good.” Other officials such as the education minister have made similar comments. There have also been more direct forms of pressure.

A tax investigation into three newspapers, Faraj, Negah and Millat, was launched on 28 September. A similar investigation was started the next day at three companies that print these newspapers. Syavosh Hamdamov, the head of one of the companies, AToliyev Print, said it was “more of an attack than an investigation” and that his staff had been questioned about the newspapers.

“The reaction of the Tajik authorities is disproportionate and extremely damaging to the country’s image,” Reporters Without Borders said. “They may hope to demonstrate that they control the situation but the result could unfortunately be quite the opposite. “We understand that Tajikstan’s leaders are concerned about stability, as the country was torn by five years of civil war, but repressive and illegal measures will not help.”

The press freedom organisation added: “We urge the authorities to respond favourably to the dialogue proposals being made by journalists and media advocates, and to put an immediate stop to the unjustified attempts to obstruct the media.”

The heads of several news media and organisations that defend the media yesterday requested a meeting with presidential adviser S. Fatoyev to discuss the problems. At the same time, the Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan urged the defence minister to give specific examples to support his charges of complicity with the armed militants.

Several independent news websites are currently inaccessible including those of the independent news agency Avesta.tj and the central Asia news and analysis outlet Ferghana.ru, as well as Tjknews.com and Centrasia.ru. The government is suspected of ordering the blocking although it has said nothing on the subject.

According to Zafar Abdullayev, the editor of Avesta.tj, the blocking started on 29 September. He said several Internet Service Providers told him that officials had instructed them to block the sites. Since the measure has not been officially recognised, the targeted electronic media have no recourse. As their financial situation is already fragile, it could cause them significant problems.

Meanwhile, the weekly newspaper Faraj has been unable to appear for the second week running as it has not managed to find a company willing to print it. The newspaper Paykhon failed to appear on 13 October for the same reason.

Tajikstan’s already precarious independent press has long face hostility from the authorities and the tension has grown steadily since the start of this year. The new outbreak of violence linked to the war in neighbouring Afghanistan, and Tajikistan’s role in that war, has fuelled the flames. Last July, Tajikistan’s deputy mufti, Saidjon Sorbonkhodj, publicly urged the government to close all the independent newspapers, blaming them for the anti-government criticism and protests and singling out Faraj and Paykhon.

A former Soviet republic, Tajikistan became embroiled in a civil war within months of gaining its independence in 1991. More than 50,000 people died in the war, which pushed about a tenth of the estimated 7 million inhabitants into exile. Since then, Tajikistan has suffered the consequences of the war in Afghanistan, including a disturbing level of drug trafficking (80 per cent of the drug seizures in central Asia) and incursions by Islamic militants suspected of seeking refuge in Tajikistan’s mountains.

*The newspapers that have criticised the defence ministry’s military operations include Asia Plus, Faraj, Ozodagon, Negah, Paykon, Fakty i Kommentarii, Sobytia, Bizness i Politika, Tojikiston, Digest Press and Charikhi Gardun.

REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS / REPORTERS SANS FRONTIÈRES

Two field commanders of the Islamic opposition located in eastern Tajikistan’s Rasht Valley have reportedly agreed to lay down their weapons and join forces with government troops to «hunt down foreign militants.»

The independent news agency Asia-Plus quoted authorities in Rasht as saying that 27 members of armed groups commanded by Mirzokhuja Ahmadov and Mullo Sadriddin surrendered their weapons earlier this week.

The news came after local media reported on October 14 that Tajik officials were negotiating with local commanders in Rasht to end intense fighting that has been going on in the onetime militant stronghold for nearly a month. The ongoing military operation against militants began when 28 government troops were killed on September 19 when their convoy was ambushed in Rasht’s remote Kamarob Gorge.

Since late September, National Security Council chief Amirqul Azimov and deputy heads of the Interior and Defense ministries have been in Rasht, where they set up the joint staff of power ministries to oversee the military operation.

According to media reports, Azimov and the speaker of Tajik parliament Shukurjon Zuhurov, a native of Rasht, have met with the former Islamic opposition commanders in Rasht to convince them to stop the conflict.

Denied Involvement

Over 60 government troops have reportedly been killed in Rasht in the past month. More than two dozen soldiers were reportedly killed in a helicopter crash officials have attributed to technical failures, although media reports have indicated the helicopter was brought down by militants.
Authorities blamed the September 19 attack on the government convoy on local and foreign Islamic militants. The Interior Ministry’s press office initially linked Ahmadov to the Kamarob ambush. Ahmadov’s house in Rasht was raided by government forces and he went into hiding.

Ahmadov has always denied any involvement in the Kamarob ambush and accused the government of putting pressure on former opposition commanders.

Ahmadov was a commander of the United Islamic Opposition Forces that fought against President Emomali Rahmon’s secular government in the 1992-97 civil war. The war ended with a national peace and power-sharing agreement, which saw former opposition leaders getting a 30- percent share of official positions in local and central governments.

The situation in Kamarob remains volatile, with government troops still engaged in search operations in the mountainous area, where armed militants are believed to be hiding.

Tajik officials and experts close to the government have repeatedly blamed unspecified foreign countries for seeking to destabilize Tajikistan.

Powerful Sponsors

The Interior Affairs Ministry has said government forces recently uncovered a cache with supplies of weapons, food, clothes, and «propaganda materials» in Rasht.

Saifullo Safarov, the deputy head of the Center for Strategic Studies, a Dushanbe-based think tank close to the government, says the scale of militants’ attacks indicate these groups have powerful sponsors behind them.

«It would have been impossible for those armed groups [in Kamarob] to purchase that amount of weapons with their own money,» Safarov said. «They must have received financial support from the outside, unless these weapons are left from the civil-war era. However, it’s difficult to say what country or what group is involved.»

Since the Kamarob ambush, it has been difficult to get information from Kamarob as government forces have closed roads leading to the gorge. Communication lines to Rasht have been cut off since the conflict began in September.

State-run television and radio have largely ignored the fighting in Kamarob, limiting their coverage to listing casualty figures. Officials have been reluctant to publicly explain the situation in Rasht.

Authorities announced this week that militants who laid down their weapons voluntarily would not be prosecuted.

written by Farangis Najibullah, with contributions from RFE/RL’s Tajik Service

http://www.rferl.org/content/Local_Tajik_Commanders_Agree_To_Team_With_Government_Troops_In_Rasht/21