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Tajik Interior Minister Calls Opposition Group ‘Criminals’

By RFE/RL’s Tajik Service

DUSHANBE — Tajikistan’s top police official has called an opposition group that apparently planned an antigovernment demonstration in Dushanbe this week «criminals,» while prosecutors have pressed for a ban on the organization and police detained relatives of one of its activists.

The moves follow the widespread blockage of Internet access in the Central Asian nation and seemed to herald a crackdown on Group 24, an opposition movement whose leader, Umarali Quvatov, left Tajikistan in 2012.

Speaking to the Russian news agency TASS on October 7, Interior Minister Ramazan Rahimzoda said the leaders of Group 24 were «criminals living abroad, who are wanted in Tajikistan for various crimes.»

On the same day, a statement from the Tajik Prosecutor-General’s Office said it had accused Quvatov’s group of an attempt to overthrow the government and urged the Supreme Court to ban it as an extremist organization.

Media reports in Tajikistan said Group 24 was behind recent online calls for Tajiks to gather for a protest on October 10 in downtown Dushanbe, the capital.

Websites Blocked

The reports link the protest calls with the blockage of hundreds of websites including Facebook, YouTube, and popular Russian social networks in Tajikistan.

The sites have been inaccessible across the country since October 5.

Officials at the state Communications Service say they have nothing to do with the Internet blockage.

On October 7, police in the southern Farhor District detained relatives of Group 24 activist Sharofiddin Gadoev, a cousin and business associate of Quvatov who has been living in self-imposed exile in Spain since November 2013.

Gadoev’s relatives told RFE/RL that police detained Gadoev’s parents, a sister and a brother-in-law.

Last year, Tajik authorities charged Quvatov with involvement in a $1.2 million fraud case in absentia.

Quvatov, a successful businessman, used to have close ties to the family of Tajik President Emomali Rahmon.

But he left Tajikistan for Moscow in 2012 and established Group 24 to oppose Rahmon.

Quvatov’s current whereabouts are unknown.

With reporting by TASS

http://www.rferl.org/content/ramazan-rahimzoda-tajikistan-internet-quvatov-opposition/26624315.html

Azerbaijani Journalist Fears Arrest As Part Of Continuing Crackdown

By Robert Coalson

An Azerbaijani investigative journalist has been told that she faces arrest upon her return to Baku from a trip to meet with members of the Parliamentary Assembly of Europe (PACE) in Strasbourg.

Khadija Ismayilova, who is known for her extensive reporting on the business interests of the family of Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev and who hosts a daily program for RFE/RL’s Azerbaijani Service, said a criminal libel case has been opened against her and she has been ordered to appear in court on October 3.

«I have been warned that, upon returning from my trip, I will be facing arrest and maybe this is another way to warn me,» she told RFE/RL in a telephone interview. «I believe they want me either not to go back to Azerbaijan or to be scared and not be loud about things in Azerbaijan. They have to understand that this is not the way to deal with me.»

Ismayilova sees the case as part of a broader crackdown against civil society that has been going on in Azerbaijan since Baku took over the chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in May. According to local rights activists, there are currently 98 political prisoners in Azerbaijan, including 14 independent journalists and bloggers.

The case against Ismayilova centers on a purported document that she posted on social media alleging that the Azerbaijani secret services used an explicit, illegally filmed sex tape to blackmail an opposition activist into informing on other opposition figures.

Ismayilova says she deleted the name and all references to the individual in question, but he has nonetheless filed a criminal-libel complaint against her.

‘Disabled’ Civil Society 

She says her purpose was to expose the government’s use of this tactic.

«The Ministry of National Security of Azerbaijan and the special services of Azerbaijan are notorious for using secretly filmed sexual-life tapes against their critics,» she told RFE/RL. «It has been used against me. It has been used against others. For me, this criminal case will be an opportunity to highlight this [practice] in Azerbaijan.»

«I am not avoiding prosecution,» Ismayilova said. «I am eager to go and I really look forward to having a loud discussion about the methods the special services of Azerbaijan are using against their critics.»

Last year, a website connected with the ruling Yeni Azerbaijan Party published an article under the headline «Khadija’s Armenian Mother Should Die» that included the name of the neighborhood in Baku where Ismayilova’s mother lives. It also included the address of Ismayilova’s sister, who was accused of being a «pimp» involved in «sex trafficking» in Turkey.

In 2012, an illegally obtained explicit video of her was published on the Internet.

Ismayilova says that her lawyer is among those who have been jailed during the crackdown and the Baku-based Media Rights Institute, which has been defending her, has been effectively shut down.

«Institutionally, civil society has been disabled in Azerbaijan,» she said. «There are a few individuals left, and they are trying to silence these individuals by these means.»

She added that she traveled to Strasbourg because all the rights activists who met with European parliamentarians in previous years have either been jailed or are in hiding.

«Khadija’s role in Azerbaijani civil society cannot be overstated,» says former U.S. diplomat and independent rights activist Rebecca Vincent in an email interview. «She is a fearless investigative journalist, one of the few in the country willing to examine taboo topics such as corruption among the ruling elite.»

«Khadija’s arrest would be a major blow to the already embattled independent media and human rights community,» she added.

Ismayilova says she will not consider remaining abroad.

«I’m going back to Baku because it is my home and I will not let people kick me out of my home,» she said.

http://www.rferl.org/content/azerbaijan-journalist-ismayilova-fears-arrest/26615533.html

Explainer: Can Russia Disconnect From The Internet?

By Luke Johnson

October 02, 2014

After chairing a meeting of the Russian Security Council on October 1, President Vladimir Putininsisted the Kremlin was not planning to limit access to the Internet or put it under total state control.

The authorities would, however, take additional measures to increase cybersecurity and continue to shut down sites promoting extremism, xenophobia, terrorism, and child pornography.

Putin’s comments came amid widespread speculation about possible restrictions on the Internet — or even a complete countrywide unplugging — amid an ongoing crackdown on dissent and escalating tensions with the West over the conflict in Ukraine.

On September 30, the Kremlin said Russia was «rehearsing responses should our esteemed partners decide to switch us off from the Internet,» possibly indicating a greater level of control from the state.

Regardless of Moscow’s intentions, how easy would it be for Russia — or any other country — to unplug from the Internet?

Egypt shut off the country’s Internet for five days in 2011 during the Arab Spring protests. Syria’s Internet was shut off three times in 2011. Nepal and Burma have briefly disconnected, and China shut off access to the Xinjiang region during Uyghur unrest in 2009.

But how easy it is to unplug depends on the number of domestic Internet service providers (ISPs) that have purchased connectivity from another provider outside the country, according to Jim Cowie, chief scientist at Dyn, an Internet performance company. More of these make it more difficult for a government to unplug from the Internet.

«There’s a protective effect because every one of those represents something that you would have to turn off in order to completely sever the country from the Internet,» Cowie says.

Egypt has fewer than 10 of these connections, while Syria has just two. This made it easier for those governments to switch off the Internet.

What are the specifics that make this more or less difficult in Russia?

Russia does not lack for connectivity to the outside world. There are more than 300 companies that have purchased connectivity from outside the country, Cowie says.

The Russian government would have to force all of these providers to shut down to fully sever itself from the Internet. It could be done, but it would take a lot longer and be much more labor-intensive.

What are Russia’s options to restrict Internet usage, short of a shutdown?

An alternative to shutting down the Internet is by filtering content.

Russia has already blocked several opposition websites and passed a law requiring registration by some bloggers.

Moscow has also indicated that foreign Internet companies will have to comply with its laws. Roskomnadzor, Russia’s media regulator, sent a notice to Facebook, Twitter, and Google requiring them to comply with a law to register with the agency and store six months of archives of metadata on Russian soil.

The Russian government could also shut off the Internet in certain regions or cities, says Cowie. The telecommunications giant Rostelecom has been recentralized after a breakup into smaller regional firms in the 1990s, a move that could make a partial shutdown easier.

What are ways that users could get around an Internet shutdown or Internet controls? 

Internet users could turn to their smartphones’ Internet access via 3G if mobile carriers were still operational while ISPs were shuttered.

Dial-up Internet would also be an option for those with an international phone line, albeit at a much-reduced speed — and a much higher cost. European dial-up providers offered their services to Egyptians during its 2011 Internet shutdown and provided connections while Egypt’s ISPs were shuttered.

Short of a full shutdown, there are already technologies available that evade content filtering and monitoring. One already in use is Tor, a network of virtual encrypted tunnels that make a user’s movements opaque to tracking by an ISP or other third party.

In other words, instead of information coming directly from your computer to an opposition website, the information travels across encrypted connections through a series of other servers before reaching the final destination.

http://www.rferl.org/content/can-russia-disconnect-from-the-internet/26617176.html

Activists Slam Rohani For Claiming No Journalists Jailed

A group of Iranian journalists has openly criticized President Hassan Rohani for claiming that reporters are not being jailed in the Islamic republic.

Rohani made the remark in an interview with CNN in New York on September 26.

He told the U.S. cable television network: «I do not believe that an individual would be detained or put in prison for being a journalist.»

But an open letter on October 2, signed by 135 journalists and activists, says the Iranian president is “distorting and denying reality.»

The letter accuses Rohani of not living up to his election promise to ease government controls on the media.

In June, the press rights group Reporters Without Borders said it knew of 58 journalists who were being jailed in Iran.

It said: «Iran is still one of the world’s five biggest prisons for news and information providers.»

http://www.rferl.org/content/iran-rohani-jailing-of-journalists/26617467.html

Putin Says Russia Won’t Restrict Internet Access

President Vladimir Putin says Russia is not planning to limit access to the Internet or put it under «total control,» but will need to ensure the stability and security of its Russian segment.

Putin, speaking at a meeting of his presidential Security Council, said Russian Internet domains had faced a growing number of cyberattacks.

Putin said the security services had detected constant growth in the number of cyberattacks, particularly in the last six months — the period when the crisis in Ukraine worsened.

He added that the intensity of the attacks «depends on the current international situation.»

Putin said Russia will consistently and legally close sites disseminating or promoting extremism, xenophobia, terrorism, and child pornography.

«It is obvious that today we need to elaborate and implement a range of additional measures in the area of information security,» he said, adding that Russia did «not intend to limit access to the Internet» or «to put it under total control.»

The Russian leader appeared to be trying to defuse speculation about possible Internet restrictions amid escalating tensions with the West over Ukraine.

The Russian daily «Vedomosti» reported on September 19 that the government may require Russian Internet service providers to install equipment that would make it possible to sever Russia’s access to the global Internet in situations deemed by the authorities as «extraordinary.»

The Kremlin has denied the report, but said on September 30 that Russia was «rehearsing responses should our esteemed partners decide to switch us off from the Internet.»

According to experts, the more domestic service providers a country has, the more difficult it is to completely switch off the Internet.

Domestic providers offer web access after purchasing connectivity from another provider outside the country.

There are more than 300 domestic service providers in Russia that have purchased connectivity from outside the country, and the government  would have to force them all to shut down to fully sever access.

However, there are several precedents. Egypt shut off the country’s Internet for five days in 2011 during the Arab Spring protests.

Syria’s Internet was shut off three times in 2011. Nepal and Myanmar have briefly disconnected, and China shut off access to the mostly ethnic Uighur region of Xinjiang amid unrest in 2009.

An alternative to shutting down the Internet completely is filtering content. Russia has already blocked several opposition sites and passed a law requiring registration by some bloggers.

Russia also has indicated that foreign Internet companies will have to comply with its laws.

According to a September 26 report in the «Izvestia» daily, Russia’s media regulator, Roskomnadzor, has notified Facebook, Twitter, and Google that they must comply with a law requiring registration with the agency, and store six-month archives of metadata for their users at a location within Russian.

With reporting by Reuters and TASS

http://www.rferl.org/content/russia-internet-putin/26615429.html

Tired of Tajikistan’s Deplorable Schools, Parents Want Russian

September 29, 2014

by Konstantin Parshin

Many parents in Tajikistan view the start of the school year with a bit of trepidation: while students wrestle with their lessons, adults must reach for their wallets. An increasing number are willing to spend sizable sums to get their kids into Russian-language classes.

Tajikistan’s constitution guarantees access to a free education for children. In reality, not-so-concealed bribery is part of the process. Parents are often required to contribute “voluntary fees” to public schools’ “development funds.” Principals establish their own rates. Though the fees can seem modest enough to be ignored – about $10 per month per child – it is difficult to get an explanation about where the money goes.

“Teachers’ beggarly wages create conditions for corruption in educational institutions, some of which have turned into trade fairs,” said economist Khojimuhammad Umarov. Classes are crowded, teachers often unqualified and – because they are dependent on informal payments from parents to survive – no longer respected, Umarov added.

A secondary-school teacher in Dushanbe told EurasiaNet.org that out of the $10 parents pay each month, he receives $2 per student in addition to his $160 salary. The rest, $8 per student, goes to the school principal. “Perhaps, some of it goes higher up the food chain,” he speculated. His school’s former principal, who used to take vacations to places like Turkey and Greece several times a year, was fired a couple of years ago.

By most accounts, the education system in Tajikistan is in a deplorable state. As they try to prepare their children for the future, concerned parents increasingly see Russian-language instruction as the best available option. Knowledge of Russian remains a vital skill. With few jobs available in Tajikistan, each year over a million people – perhaps one-half of working-age men – go to Russia to work.

The problem is that demand for Russian-language instruction in Tajikistan now outstrips the supply. According to Education Ministry statistics, fewer than 15 percent of students in Dushanbe are enrolled in Russian classes; far fewer attend schools where Russian is the primary language of instruction (in Dushanbe, only five out of several hundred schools). Outside the capital, access to Russian-language instruction is scarcer still.

Several parents confirmed to EurasiaNet.org that the unofficial “enrollment” fees at Russian-language schools, because they are considered superior, run as high as $2,000—a fortune in a country where the average monthly wage is about $200.

Registration is difficult. “One must have a reliable mediator, otherwise, nobody [in the school] will talk with you. Police [who are not trusted] won’t do anything. The system is bulletproof,” said a parent in Dushanbe.

At the Tajik-language school where journalist Zebo Tajibaeva sends her daughter, parents told her last month that during registration they paid between 600 and 1,000 somoni ($120 and $200) to enroll their children in beginner-level Russian-language classes. “Half the children in my daughter’s class speak no Russian at all. So, instead of learning, my daughter must watch how her classmates study Russian?”

Some fear that authorities are intent on squeezing out the few remaining Russian-language programs as part of an ongoing program to Tajikify the country — a nationalist push that parents say runs counter to the needs of their children.

On August 22, the Asia-Plus news agency provoked an impassioned debate when it reported that educational officials have recommended the five Russian schools in Dushanbe not enroll children from ethnically Tajik families. Officials denied the Education Ministry had issued such an order, but confirmed a recommendation does exist to ensure children who do not speak Russian at home do not experience problems.

Improving Russian-language education is critical for Tajikistan’s economic well-being, according to former education minister Munira Inoyatova, who now heads the Child Rights Center, a non-governmental organization. “The flow of migrants [to Russia] will not decrease in the near future. Migrants must have a working knowledge of Russian to be able to protect their rights and access better jobs,” Inoyatova told EurasiaNet.org. “There is a lack of textbooks in [Tajik]; terminology is not developed. […] In many Western countries, English is a second compulsory language. The Russian language should become the main second language within the [former USSR].”

Mikhail Petrushkov, the local representative of the World Coordination Council of Russian Compatriots Living Abroad (VKSRS), bemoaned the loss of the Russian language’s official status in Tajikistan back in 2009. “The growing population, the surplus of manpower along with a huge number of labor migrants in Russia must compel the Tajik authorities to seriously think about the quality of education. Without exaggeration, this is the matter of national security [for Tajikistan],” Petrushkov told EurasiaNet.org.

When Russian officials visit Tajikistan, their Tajik counterparts seem eager to expand Russian-language education. But rarely has that excitement translated into action. For example, when Valentina Matvienko, the chair of Russia’s Federation Council, visited Dushanbe in March, she offered to send Russian-language instructors. Shukurjon Zukhurov, speaker of the Tajik parliament’s lower chamber, indicated that the government would welcome the teachers.

“The Tajik people recall Russian teachers with deep respect and gratitude. They made a valuable contribution in the formation and development of the Tajik national education in Soviet times,” local media quoted Zukhurov as saying.

Six months have passed since Matvienko made the offer, and the program, like ones promised before it, appears to have stalled.

Editor’s note: Konstantin Parshin is a freelance writer based in Tajikistan

http://www.eurasianet.org/node/70211

 

At Russian Business Daily ‘Vedomosti,’ Gloom Over New Media Legislation

By Tom Balmforth

MOSCOW — It looked business as usual in the newsroom of the Russian daily «Vedomosti,» located in a converted furniture factory where the salmon pink walls match the signature color of the newspaper’s pages.

Some journalists chatted on mobile phones. Three employees huddled around a computer and shared a quiet joke. Others in the airy, open-plan hall typed with deadlines approaching.

But the mood here has soured this week.

Legislation that requires foreign-owned media like «Vedomosti» to shed all but 20 percent of their foreign ownership, purportedly to protect Russians from an «information war,» sailed through the State Duma on September 26 with almost unanimous support.

If passed by the upper house, the Federation Council, and signed by President Vladimir Putin, the bill means Russia’s top business daily will have to relinquish its Western ownership, which has been a guarantor of the paper’s editorial independence and inoculated it against murky Russian media practices.

«Everyone is, of course, dispirited,» says Tatyana Lysova, the newspaper’s editor in chief. «This bill itself is groundless, harmful, and demonstrates a mistrust of us. It, of course, creates uncertainty. We don’t know where our publication will be in a year and who it will belong to. In such circumstances, it is difficult to remain enthusiastic, hopeful, or positive.»

«Vedomosti,» which is 100 percent foreign-owned, is one of several media brands, including the Russian-language edition of «Forbes» and glossy magazines like «GQ,» that will have to close operations or be sold to Russian interests. The bill is purportedly designed to beef up national security but comes amid a broader clampdown on media and the Internet in Russia.

Lawmakers argue that the bill brings Russian media law in line with Western legislation and protects media consumers from foreign investors at a time when accusations of «fifth columnists» are increasingly on politicians’ lips.

But Lysova says the legislation is redundant as editorial independence from media owners is already enshrined in law.

«Our deputies should know the law better,» she says.

Since it was founded in 1999, «Vedomosti» has carved out a niche as one of the most reliable sources of information in Russia.

Lysova is disgusted at the insinuation by lawmakers that her newspaper could serve as a platform for propaganda.

«The very idea of considering media to be propaganda that we need to be protected from bears the wild stamp of the Cold War. Mass media doesn’t work like that,» she says.

Just this month, «Vedomosti» marked 15 years since it was founded as a joint venture between the «Financial Times,» «The Wall Street Journal,» and Sanoma Independent Media, the publishing house that founded «The Moscow Times.»

With its independent editorials, data-driven investigations, hard-hitting columns, and reputation for reliable business news in a shadowy media landscape, it quickly established itself as one of the most authoritative and reliable media brands in Russia.

This year, it has taken the lead on major stories, including the arrest of multibillionaire Vladimir Yevtushenkov and the insider infighting for control of his Bashneft oil company, as well as on how the Kremlin is dipping into pension funds to keep the budget ticking over.

It has not shied away from critical opinion pieces, such as one penned by Andrei Zubov, a state university professor until he was subsequently fired,in which he likened the Kremlin’s Crimea grab in March to Nazi Germany’s Anschluss with Austria in 1938.

«Vedomosti» was sued successfully in August by Igor Sechin, the powerful CEO of Russia’s largest oil company, Rosneft, for an editorial in which it was ruled to have defamed him.

«Vedomsti’s» main rival is the «Kommersant» business daily that is owned by Alisher Usmanov, a well-connected multibillionaire.

Founded as a broadsheet, «Vedomosti» shrank to tabloid size in a bid to prop up and even grow its circulation of 75,000. The website averages 4 million visitors a month, Lysova says.

The new legislation threatening «Vedomosti» emerged amid a broader media shakeup that has accelerated during the Ukraine crisis and seen the Kremlin tighten its grip on information.

State agencies RIA Novosti and Voice of Russia were integrated under the Rossiya Segodnya brand, with pro-Kremlin pundit and TV presenter Dmitry Kiselyov put at the helm.

The liberal-leaning television station Dozhd TV, or TV Rain, was forced off satellite and cable in February. That same month, the director of the radio station Ekho Moskvy was dismissed and replaced with a state media editor in a sign of pressure on its editorial policy.

Online, popular bloggers have to register with the state. Abroad, the Russian government has ramped up funding for the pro-Kremlin RT television station that has proved a key foreign policy tool for Russia.

In Lysova’s opinion, the Ukraine crisis and the rise of «national security» as an item on the political agenda have paved the way for stringent, repressive measures to be passed without discussion.

«It’s enough to say that it’s security and that you are trying to protect the motherland,» she says. «Anyone who protests is meant to seem against security. I don’t agree at all that the presence of foreign investors in mass media in some way threatens our security.»

http://www.rferl.org/content/russia-new-media-legislation-western-owned-vedomosti/26608032.html

OSCE Condemns Death Threats Against Kosovar Journalist

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe has condemned a series of death threats against Artan Haraqija, an RFE/RL journalist who has been reporting on radical Islamic groups in Kosovo.

Jean-Claude Schlumberger, the OSCE mission chief in Kosovo, called on September 18 for authorities in Pristina to bring to justice those who have threatened Haraqija and other journalists in Kosovo.

Haraqija, who also works for the Indeksonline website, received the latest in a series of death threats after appearing on a Kosovar TV program called “Rubikon” on September 16.

Haraqija worked on a joint report about Kosovo’s radical Muslims with “GazetaExpress” journalist Visar Duriqi, who also has received death threats for his work.

On September 17, police arrested 15 Muslim leaders across Kosovo for allegedly recruiting fighters for Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State militant group.

http://www.rferl.org/content/kosovo-journalist-threat-islamists/26593808.html

Producer At Russia’s Dozhd TV Attacked Ahead of Election

The chief producer at independent Russian TV channel Dozhd (Rain) has been attacked, beaten, and robbed.

The internet and cable TV company says two unidentified men attacked Ksenia Batanova, who is also an anchor, near her apartment building in Moscow on September 12.

Dozhd says Batanova lost consciousness after several blows to the face and was hospitalized with a facial bone fracture and a concussion.

The attack came two days before Batanova, who is on a local election commission, was to work at a polling place during elections to the Moscow City Duma on September 14.

The attackers stole her mobile phone and earrings.

Moscow police said on September 15 that an investigation had been opened on suspicion of robbery.

Dozhd is often a platform for criticism of the Kremlin.

Based on reporting by tvrain.ru, Interfax and ITAR-TASS

http://www.rferl.org/content/batanova-dozhd-tv-attack-election-robbery-police/26584532.html

Azerbaijan Tightens Screws On Civil Society, Independent Media

By Robert Coalson

There is good news coming out of Azerbaijan these days. But much of it seems to be coming from the Twitter feed of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.

«A free society has emerged in Azerbaijan. All democratic institutions are available and they operate successfully,» he wrote on September 1.

Followed moments later by: «All freedoms, including the freedom of speech, the freedom of conscience, the freedom of the press and free Internet, are available.»

And: «Azerbaijani society is a free society, and this is our great achievement.»

But if you dig a little deeper for your news about Azerbaijan, the picture is much bleaker. The European Stability Initiative, a Berlin-based think tank, recently issued a five-page report detailing what it calls «the most serious and brutal crackdown on civil society in Azerbaijan ever» since Baku assumed the chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in May.

From the conviction and eight-year prison sentence handed down to journalist and activist Parviz Hashimli on May 15 to the brutal beating of journalist Ilgar Nasibov by unknown assailants on August 21, it is a depressing litany of arrests, detentions, searches, and court hearings of bloggers, journalists, and prominent activists.

Squeezing Out Independent Media

Mehman Aliyev is the head of the Turan information agency. He says that the crackdown is particularly severe because Azerbaijani society was already strictly repressed. «There were more media outlets in the past and when one or two was hit, it did not seem very dramatic,» he says.

«But now they have reduced the information space so dramatically that critical media are limited to just one or two outlets. The government is open about this. Apparently it’s in Azerbaijan’s national interest not to have critical media.»

Aliyev told RFE/RL on September 8 that he might be forced to close Turan, the country’s last remaining independent news agency.

Rahim Haciyev, first deputy editor in chief of the opposition «Azadliq» newspaper, tells a similar story. «The authorities believe the press should work under the guidance of official propaganda,» he says. «The government’s policies cannot be criticized.»

The most recent list of political prisoners in Azerbaijan, published in June under the supervision of activist Leyla Yunus — who was arrested herself in July — includes 98 names.

Blaming ‘Foreign Forces’

The driving force behind the crackdown is Ramiz Mehdiyev, President Aliyev’s chief of staff. He held a closed-door meeting of government officials and pro-government media executives on August 29 at which he attacked independent and Western media for their coverage of Azerbaijan and, in particular, the conflict with Armenia over the de facto independent Azerbaijani region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

He said the «main purpose» of nonstate media in Azerbaijan — including RFE/RL’s Azerbaijani Service, the Voice of America, and the BBC — was «to discredit the state of Azerbaijan, to blacken its achievements, and to confuse the public by stressing groundless, fabricated issues.»

He said «foreign forces» use nongovernmental organizations and independent media to take advantage of «the tolerant and democratic environment in Azerbaijan» to disseminate «absurd lists of ‘political prisoners’; information about alleged violations of human rights; fabrications about pressure on civil-society organizations, media, and journalists; and exaggerations about the corruption problem in Azerbaijan.»

ALSO READ: Together A Lifetime, Activists Now Apart And In Jail

 

On September 5, Azerbaijani security forces raided the Baku office of IREX, a U.S.-funded nongovernmental organization that promotes democratic reforms around the globe. The organization’s bank accounts have been frozen, as have those of other international NGOs including Transparency International, Oxfam, and the National Democratic Institute.

At the same time, «The New York Times» on September 6 published an investigative report detailing how Baku uses its oil money to buy influence in Washington and «reinforce public opinion in the United States» that Azerbaijan is «an important security partner.»

Geopolitical Anxiety

The crackdown comes at a sensitive time for Baku as it pursues its policy of finding a middle course between an increasingly assertive Russia and the West.

«The government is frightened most by recent developments around the world, especially in the post-Soviet space,» says Baku-based political analyst Azer Gasimli. «Today the fate of Azerbaijan, to some extent, is being resolved on the battlefields of Ukraine. The West is preoccupied with the events in Ukraine and until that [conflict] is resolved, the U.S. and the West won’t get strict with Azerbaijan.»

Former U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan Richard Kauzlarich agrees that Baku believes the West is distracted by Ukraine and the Middle East and could be using the opportunity «to complete the internal repression and eliminate foreign NGOs.»

In a written response to a query from RFE/RL, Kauzlarich also says Baku might be giving in to Russian pressure to distance itself from the West. Another possibility, he says, is that Baku could be reacting to pressure from Washington to negotiate a solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict «rather than [impose] the Azerbaijan solution on Armenia.»

ALSO READ: Amid Karabakh Tensions, Both Yerevan And Baku Eye Russia Uneasily

http://www.rferl.org/content/azerbaijan-squeezes-civil-society-media/26574692.html

 

Azerbaijani investigative journalist Khadija Ismayilova, who hosts an evening talk show for RFE/RL’s Azerbaijani Service, says she believes the crackdown is largely targeting individuals who would protest if President Aliyev begins to pursue closer relations with Russia or the nascent Moscow-led Eurasian Union.

Journalist Haciyev of «Azadliq» says Baku was scared during a recent spate of violence along the Line of Contact surrounding Karabakh and on the border with Armenia. «We saw then that citizens did not rely on information from official sources,» he says, making it difficult for Baku to control the narrative of the situation.

Next: ‘Death To Traitors’?

Now the crackdown seems to be gaining speed. On September 2, state media published an interview with parliament deputy Yagub Mahmudov, who is also the director of the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences. Mahmudov called for the restoration of the death penalty for «traitors.»

«The death penalty should be imposed on such people,» Mahmudov said. «We should have capital punishment. Why should traitors be forgiven?»

Meanwhile, EU Enlargement Commissioner Stefan Fuele was in Baku on September 9 and promised 3 million euros ($5 million) in assistance to civil-society organizations. Activists, however, fear there is no one left at liberty in Azerbaijan to accept the gesture.

Written in Prague by Robert Coalson using reporting by RFE/RL’s Azerbaijan Service

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