A Tajik cameraman was released on December 26 after being detained for a day following protests by local media organizations. 

Abdurahim Shukurov, who works for independent news website, Ozodagon, was beaten by policemen and arrested on December 25 while filming outside a courtroom, where a leading opposition figure was being sentenced to a lengthy prison term.

RFE/RL’s Tajik Service reports that Shukurov had initially been placed under arrest for seven days.

Police also briefly detained several relatives and supporters of the jailed opposition figure and businessman Zayd Saidov.

They were later released after paying fines.

Saidov was sentenced to 26 years in prison on charges, including financial fraud, polygamy, and sexual relations with a minor.

He denies the charges and says they are politically motivated.

— RFE/RL’s Tajik Service

December 12, 2013

The current regime has not brought prosperity to the Tajiks, but stability has guaranteed its longevity.

Emomali Rakhmon, the leader of Tajikistan, the poorest of the former Soviet Republics, won yet another seven-year term last November. That was not a surprise for anyone.

Rakhmon came to power in 1992 as the leader of the popular front countering the Islamist opposition. Legitimately, he became the president in 1994. In 1999, he won for the second time and then again in 2003 and 2006. Before each election he would conveniently clear the electoral field of any serious opponents.

The question going forward then is: What are the factors which make Rakhmon the Tajiks’ only political choice?

Repressive measures are not the only explanation for the survival of his presidency. Despite the economic and social decay that the cronyism and mismanagement of his presidency has led to, the prospect of instability is too dangerous for the population to demand a regime change.

A migrant nation

Nepotism and cronyism are flourishing in the Tajik system of power. Rakhmon’s relatives and his countrymen occupy key positions in the government. Although the industrial growth is insignificant in the country, his family remains rich, controlling all essential economic areas and the import of goods. Regardless of any legal changes meant to create better conditions for domestic businesses, the clans create neither opportunities nor incentives for entrepreneurs. While Tajikistan’s powerful keep enriching themselves, the gap between the rich and the poor keeps growing.

And the poor in Tajikistan, indeed, find it hard to make ends meet. The regime is following recommendations of international financial institutions, which forecast the macroeconomic growth at the level of 6-7 percent per year. However, such «growth» might seem good on paper, but the inflation (which stands at 6.5-7 percent) and dormant domestic industry make it hard for ordinary Tajiks to feel it. The volume of imports is twice higher than exports, while the unemployment remains at least 10 times the levels of 2.6 percent which the government reports.

The bleak economic prospects at home send many Tajiks outside the country to look for employment. In fact, Tajikistan is the indisputable leader in terms of the number of labour migrants per capita: 1.5 million out of the 7.5-million population work abroad. According to the World Bank, Tajikistan is also a global leader in terms of remittances, which constitute 47 percent of the national GDP (data from 2011).

These numbers are so shocking that the authorities have prohibited commercial banks from revealing data on foreign transfers. After all, the regime wants to present itself in a better light in the eyes of international donors and development organisations.

At the same time, education and health care have been completely neglected. The most prestigious professions in Soviet times (doctors and educators) have become infamous for their low pay. The average monthly salary of a school teacher, a university professor, or a physician ($70 — $150) is far beyond the average living standard. The Tajik non-state media has also reported on corruption in universities where students often have to pay bribes to pass exams. Medical care is not free either; unofficial payments from patients to doctors and nurses have long become the norm.

The situation in the area of human rights and the freedom of expression is not any better either. There is an obvious and alarming process of «turkmenisation» of Tajikistan (Turkmenistan is the most authoritarian state in Central Asia), as public officials and the government media have increased their obsequiousness and adoration of the nation’s leader. Torture remains an instrument within the police and prison systems to extract confessions from defendants. Very seldom, the authorities grant access to places of detention for international observers (such as ICRC) and local NGOs. The Tajik authorities have also tighten restrictions on religious freedoms.

The Tajik non-state media are pretty strong, and criticism of the authorities is quite vocal, but the regime disregards such publications and sometimes resorts to clampdown on media outlets and beatings of journalists. Quite frequently the government communication agency orders domestic Internet providers to block access to certain news portals and social networks, such as Facebook.

Rakhmon’s trump card

Although Rakhmon has neglected his people’s prosperity, his presidency has at least provided them with relative stability and has ensured the support of Russia and the West. The president is by far not an amateur. The former chairman of a collective farm, he has gone through all stages of governance in the harshest years of challenges and hardships. Rakhmon is quite charismatic, and he knows how to speak with those he depends on (Russia, the US, and the EU).

He has been quite adept at handling Russia and recently struck a profitable deal over the long-term presence of the Russian military base on the Tajik territory. He kept bargaining with Moscow, demanding essential economic privileges, exemption from taxes on the Russian oil products, as well as big investments in Tajikistan’s economy (the hydropower sector in particular). After long delays and certain diplomatic scandals, the Russian military base agreement was ratified — right on the eve of the presidential elections.

Rakhmon remains on good terms with the US and Europe. The Western powers are interested in keeping their presence in Tajikistan because of its geopolitical strategic importance and natural resources. The forthcoming withdrawal of the coalition troops from Afghanistan forces foreign diplomats to turn a blind eye on numerous human rights violations in Tajikistan. Western diplomats also «do not notice» high-profile economic crimes committed by Tajik high-ranking officials — namely, embezzlement and misuse of huge loans and grants provided to Tajikistan by the international financial institutions. Tajikistan’s territory and the air space (potentially or expectedly) will be used during the exodus of the Western military alliance from Afghanistan.

Rakhmon holds the key to the alignment of Russian, American and European interests in his country: stability. The proximity to Afghanistan and a long common border (1,400 km) makes Tajikistan prone to a whole lot of troubles: from drug trafficking to potential aggression from Islamist groups. The latter is the subject of constant controversial allegations and speculations among political experts and geopolitical strategists in the country. In 2005, the Russian border guards left the Tajik-Afghan border. Despite the logistical assistance and training being provided by the US and the EU, the border remains largely porous.

At the same time, Tajiks still bear recent memories of the destructive civil war which took the lives of some100,000 people. Although Rakhmon signed a peace treaty with the opposition in Moscow in 1997, civil war scars remain. Just last year the region of Gorno-Badakhshan witnessed clashes between the government forces and armed groups which led to the death at least 70 people. The regime has long feared instability in Afghanistan spilling over through the border into the restive region. With the upcoming withdrawal of the US and its allies from Afghanistan, this danger is ever more real.

A regime change or an inexperienced president can easily let this situation slip out of control. For many Tajiks, who already suffer under the dire economic conditions and limited prospects, Rakhmon’s authoritarian rule is preferred to another civil conflict. Relative stability is better than a dubious future.

Konstantin Parshin is a journalist based in Dushanbe, a media expert, and a member of the National Association of Independent Mass Media, Tajikistan (NANSMIT).

Uzbekistan’s most popular weekly newspaper, «Darakchi» (Messenger), is under investigation for tax evasion. 

The newspaper is owned by a close associate of presidential daughter Gulnara Karimova.

Some of the newspaper’s journalists told RFE/RL on December 11 that they were forced to take vacations and were advised to start looking for new jobs.

Business owners say they have been informed that their ads will stop being printed in the newspaper and that their money will not be returned as the newspaper’s bank accounts have been frozen.

The weekly’s owner, Uzbek media tycoon Firdavs Abduholiqov, has reportedly fled the country. His current whereabouts is unknown.

Karimova announced earlier on Twitter that many of her associates had been arrested and that her media holding company was being investigated for bribe-taking.

http://www.rferl.org/content/uzbekistan-newspaper-investigated-karimova/25197194.html

The media watchdog group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned «outrageous and clearly illegal» attacks on the offices of three opposition mass media outlets in Kyiv. 

In its December 10 statement, RSF said that «the raids on the offices of the newspaper ‘Vechirni Visti,’ the online TV station INTV, and the news website Cenzor.net were serious violations of the freedom of information and Ukraine’s constitutional guarantees.»

RSF urged a complete investigation and said that if the Ukrainian Special Forces were responsible, «the competent authorities must explain their actions and be held accountable.»

Cenzore.net’s editor, Yuriy Butusov, told RFE/RL that late on December 9 unidentified armed and masked people raided the offices of the three media outlets and removed all servers and databases.

The three mass media outlets belong to representatives of the opposition Batkivshchyna (Fatherland) party.

http://www.rferl.org/content/media-ukraine-raids-police-protests/25195750.html

KYIV — About 50 protesters are picketing the building of Kyiv’s Court of Appeals, where hearings are being held into the appeal of a journalist detained in connection with recent political protests. 

The protesters are chanting, «Freedom to political prisoners!»

Journalist Valeriy Harahuts is one of several people arrested for allegedly organizing antigovernment protests on Bankovaya Street near the presidential administration office in Kyiv on December 1.

One of the protesters, Oleksandr Solontay, told RFE/RL that protest actions to support the «prisoners of Bankovaya Street» will also be held in other Ukrainian towns and cities.

On December 1, security officers and protesters upset with the government over its failure to sign a key EU accord clashed in front of the presidential administration.

Several protesters were arrested.

http://www.rferl.org/content/ukraine-protest-prosecution/25195733.html

Transparency International is warning that the abuse of power, secret dealings, and bribery within the public sector continue to «ravage» countries around the world, including in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). 

The assessment is based on the annual «Corruption Perceptions Index» published by the Berlin-based organization on December 3.

The index ranks 177 countries by their perceived levels of public-sector corruption. It draws on surveys covering expert assessments and views of businesspeople.

In the index, more than two-thirds of the countries score below 50, on a scale from 0 (perceived to be highly corrupt) to 100 (perceived to be very clean).

Transparency International says that demonstrates corruption remains one of the world’s biggest challenges, particularly among political parties, police, and justice systems.

«Speaking of countries in the former Soviet Union, I would say that we have nothing to celebrate this year because the picture is rather gloomy and can be described as stagnation across all the countries,» says Svetlana Savitskaya, Transparency International’s program coordinator for Europe and Central Asia.

«Even Georgia, commonly known as a champion of anticorruption reforms in Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union region, has dropped compared to the last year.»

In the «Corruption Perceptions Index 2013,» Georgia ranks 55th with a score of 49, compared to a score of 52 in 2012.

CIS: Backsliding Or Stagnant

Elsewhere in the Caucasus, Savitskaya says the scores of Armenia (94th) and Azerbaijan (127th) have shown some «negligible» improvement.

Savitskaya says the scores for all other CIS countries have either deteriorated — like Moldova (102nd), Belarus (123rd), Ukraine (144th), and Kazakhstan (140th) — or remained the same as last year in the case of Russia (127th), Kyrgyzstan (150th), and other Central Asian countries.

Tajikistan (154th), Turkmenistan (168th), and Uzbekistan (168th) remain this year among the worst scorers.

Savitskaya says a number of factors conspire to make fighting corruption difficult in CIS countries.

«These countries have the same disease sort to say, which is strong patronized networks and concentration of economic and political power in the hands of ruling elites,» Savitskaya says.

«And also there is a very blurred line between political and business interests. Then we also have weakness of the judiciary and police.»

Savitskaya adds that public officials can often operate with very limited transparency and accountability, while external watchdogs such as media and civil society remain marginalized in countries like Belarus, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. She says that civic activism can help things change.

«I think as a positive trend, we see that citizens’ engagement and civic activism has significantly increased. Citizens are taking action,» Savitskaya says.

«If you look at what is happening in Ukraine these days. They just don’t want to accept what the government does. They want to take this European vector of development also because in doing so, they would become more transparent and the corruption would become much, much less in the country,» she adds.

In Southeastern Europe, both Macedonia and Montenegro rank 67th, while Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia hold 72nd place. Kosovo is 111th.

Afghanistan makes up the worst performer, along with North Korea and Somalia, scoring just eight points. Neighboring Pakistan takes 127th place, Iran 144th, and Iraq 171st.

Denmark and New Zealand tie for first place with scores of 91, followed by Finland, Sweden, and Norway.

http://www.rferl.org/content/transparency-international-corruption-commonwealth-of-independent-states/25187823.html

Photographers from all over the world can participate in this contest.

The Abu Dhabi Authority for Tourism and Culture is organizing the International Emirates Photography Competition. The competition is being held under the patronage of the International Federation of Photographic Art, the Photographic Society of America and the United Photographers International.

The competition aims to develop UAE photography by encouraging and attracting talented artists and supporting professional photographers. The competition also features specialized workshops, meetings and seminars, and solo and group exhibitions.

A grand prize of AED80,000 (US$21,780) will be awarded to a work that presents innovative creative ideas in the main theme “Decisive Moment.” Winners in other categories will receive cash prizes ranging from AED8,000 to 30,000 (US$2,170 to 8,160).

Winners are invited to the Awards Ceremony in Abu Dhabi and the distinct artworks exhibition.

The deadline is Dec. 9.

For more information, click here: http://emiratesphotocompetition.ae/

Print, broadcast and online journalists who want a deeper understanding of evolution can apply for this program in Durham, N.C.

The National Evolutionary Synthesis Center (NESCent) is accepting applications for its journalist-in-residence program for a period of two or three weeks to up to three months. Funded by the National Science Foundation, NESCent is jointly operated by Duke University, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and North Carolina State University.

Fellows will have an opportunity to interact with world experts in a wide range of evolutionary topics including human evolution, evolutionary medicine, paleontology, biodiversity, conservation, astrobiology, and climate change. Journalists can participate in a variety of scientific meetings and seminars.

Journalists-in-residence will receive support for travel to and from NESCent, a housing allowance, a meal per diem and office space at NESCent.

The deadline is Jan. 15.

For more information, click here: http://www.nescent.org/science/Journalist-in-residence.php