KABUL — The Afghan cabinet has closed a private television station, RFE/RL’s Radio Free Afghanistan reports.

The government’s closing on July 27 of the Emroz (Today) television channel, owned by Afghan parliament member Najibulla Kabuli, is unprecedented.

Kabuli told Radio Free Afghanistan by phone on July 27 that the government’s decision to shut down his TV station was politically motivated.

He said Emroz has been trying to reveal to viewers «Iran’s interference in Afghanistan’s affairs.» Kabuli accused some politicians and political parties of «pressuring Afghan President Hamid Karzai to close» the station.

Hakim Asher, the head of the Afghan government’s Center for Information and Media, told Radio Free Afghanistan that the decision to close Emroz was made «because the television channel was fueling religious tensions and harming national unity.»

Emroz has aired mainly recreational programs since 2008. It also provided in-depth coverage of several executions of Afghans in neighboring Iran last year.

There are currently more than 20 television stations operating in Afghanistan.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Afghan_Government_Shuts_Down_TV_Station_/2111661.html

The son of former Tajik Prosecutor-General Bobojon Bobokhonov has been arrested on corruption charges, the latest in a string of moves initiated against current or former judicial officials by Bobokhonov’s successor.

The arrest of Faizullo Bobokhonov, a former regional prosecutor, on July 23 in Dushanbe follows the dismissal of 15 regional prosecutors amid graft allegations over the past six months.

The arrest is seen as the climax of an anticorruption effort orchestrated by Prosecutor-General Sherkhon Salimzoda, who in his previous capacity as head of the state anticorruption agency had a longstanding feud with his predecessor as prosecutor-general.

Faizullo Bobokhonov was charged with being an accomplice in a bribe-taking incident involving $20,000 while serving as chief prosecutor of Hisor, a suburban district outside the capital. Bobokhonov was dismissed from that position earlier this year, shortly after his influential father retired as prosecutor-general after serving for 10 years.

Mounting Problem

Prosecutor-General Salimzoda told reporters last week that he was determined to cleanse the judicial system of «elements involved in corruption.»

«We dismissed prosecutors whose subordinates were arrested in connection with corrupt activities, including taking bribes,» Salimzoda said. «The list includes the prosecutors of Vose and Jillikul districts and a deputy prosecutor of Khatlon province, whose subordinates were arrested on corruption charges, including taking bribes in the amount of $500 to $6,000.»

Listed among 20 most corrupt countries in the world by the Transparency International, Tajikistan’s government has come under immense criticism and pressure by international donors to launch an effective anticorruption campaign.

Domestically, too, the state has come under criticism from citizens over rampant bribery, particularly among law-enforcement agencies and the judicial system.

In May 2007, President Emomali Rahmon created a special anticorruption agency. Salimzoda, a former Dushanbe city prosecutor and parliament member who enjoyed a reputation as an assertive antigraft campaigner, was placed in charge of the new state agency.

Homing In

Soon after his appointment, Salimzoda began to focus on the Prosecutor-General’s office headed by Bobojon Bobokhonov, accusing prosecutors of protecting corrupt officials and dismissing high-profile criminal cases in return for bribes.

The anticorruption agency has detained several regional prosecutors and their deputies on bribery charges. Prior to Bobokhonov’s arrest, the most high-profile were the detentions in 2009 of the prosecutor of Muminobod district and deputy prosecutor of Vose district, both in the southern Khatlon Province.

The agency claimed both were caught «red-handed» while accepting bribes, but lacked the authority to detain suspects for longer than three days.

In both cases the Prosecutor-General’s Office, then headed by Bobojon Bobokhonov, succeeded in dismissing both cases and setting the suspects free.

Special Treatment

Salimzoda subsequently convinced parliament to change the law to allow decisions on the extension and modification of detention periods to fall exclusively to the courts.

According to anticorruption agency sources, the agency since its establishment has managed to bring to justice two prosecutors, four judges, and some 30 others within judicial system. Nearly 100 law-enforcement officers and dozens of other officials have also been slapped with corruption charges.

The agency’s activities riled Bobojon Bobokhonov, who as prosecutor-general publicly accused the anticorruption body of «provocations» against prosecutors and the police.

Bobojon Bobokhonov’s office also accused the anticorruption agency itself of involvement in graft, and opened several criminal cases on bribery charges against the agency’s employees.

Clearing The Air…Or Settling A Score?

Claims and counterclaims between the two bodies and the rumored feud between their former heads were well-documented in local media.

In 2009, Salimzoda was transferred from his post as the head of the anticorruption agency, and was appointed as a presidential adviser.

In January 2010, Bobokhonov unexpectedly retired from the prosecutor-general’s post, fueling rumors that he had done so under pressure.

Days later, Salimzoda was appointed as prosecutor-general.

The dismissal of regional prosecutors began shortly after Salimzoda’s appointment.

Many Tajiks have welcomed the prosecutors’ removals, while others suspect revenge could be at play, noting that many were close associates of the former prosecutor-general.

RFE/RL’s Tajik Service contributed to this report

Farangis Najibullah, RFE/RL

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Tajik_ProsecutorGenerals_Antigraft_Efforts_Target_Predecessors_Son/2108

The Farazh weekly (#29, 21 July 2010) published an article criticizing the Innovative Road Solutions company – the one responsible for technical maintenance of the newly rehabilitated highway Dushanbe – Chanak.

In the last few months, the company has been widely criticized in the Tajik media for its tolling operations and unreasonably high tariffs. According to the President’s decree #622 “On obligatory response to criticism and analytical publications in the media”, public officials must timely provide their feedback. So far, the IRS has not provided the public with any intelligible explanation.

The Farazh has also published a list of recent publications in other media, which concern the company’s doubtful activities and tariff policies. This topic was widely discussed in online media as well in both Tajik and Russian languages and received feedback from individuals.

Neither officials from the Ministry of Transport and Communications, nor representatives of the President’s Office have given any feedback on those publications. Even representatives of the Tajik political parties and local executive authorities did not express their opinions on that, which is interpreted by media experts and human rights watchdogs as a violation of the Constitution and other relevant legal acts. The newspaper comes to the conclusion that the veil of silence and reluctance of officials have led to numerous publications and provoked rumors among the people.

NANSMIT-TajFEN

“Both media and human right organizations must unite into a single network to tackle the problems in the freedom of speech”.

This conclusion was made at a seminar “Strengthening the network facilitating the freedom of expression in Tajikistan” held on 21 July in Dushanbe. The event was organized by the National Association of Independent Media, Tajikistan (NANSMIT) with support from Internews Network and funded by USAID.

Participants of the seminar discussed the issues related to the freedom of expression in the country. They analyzed actions of the media and human rights watchdogs and shared their views on the activities of global and regional networks for freedom of expression. Participants also discussed the results of ongoing monitoring in this area and topical problems in the Tajik media.

Participants noted that there is a lack of cooperation between the media and human rights organizations, some of which are reluctant to publicize their reports in fear of reprisals from the authorities. Certain NGOs working in the sphere of human rights are afraid of a non-professional coverage of their activities by journalists. At the same time, media professionals are still practicing self-censorship. There are many problems related to the practical use of the freedom of speech and other civil rights among professionals and public at large. There is a vital necessity of strengthening cooperation between the human rights NGOs and the media; there is a need to enhance the knowledge of laws among journalists.

The use of new information-communication technologies in the strengthening of the freedom of speech and the techniques for collection of reports were two other important topics discussed at the seminar.

Participants came to the conclusion that it would be feasible to create a network facilitating the freedom of speech in Tajikistan, and it might be called TajFEN, i.e. “Tajik Freedom of Speech Network”. According to the authors of this idea, the main purpose of such a network is to consolidate the media and the human rights organizations in their endeavors. Creators of the network express their adherence to the international standards of free expression. The network should be created as a voluntary association of organizations, which always remain open for other potential members.

“TajFEN must become a platform for discussions; it is meant for exchange of information and discussion of problems in the sphere of freedom of speech and the media; it should be designed for joint actions to protect the freedom of expression”, — said Nuriddin Karshibaev, chairman of NANSMIT. — “We are intending to develop future actions to institutionalize and strengthen this network”, — he added.

The seminar was attended by the Tajik Human Rights Bureau, NANSMIT, the Tajik Union of Journalists, the public union “Khoma”, the public union “Journalist”, the IWPR office in Tajikistan and TajANESMI.

Among the observers were representatives of USAID, OSCE, the US Embassy in Dushanbe and Internews Network.

NANSMIT Monitoring Network

According to the Tajik Youth Committee under the government, a group of Pakistani journalists came to Tajikistan to support a visit of the head of the Pakistani Investments Agency, Mr. Salim Mandivala.

The journalists are going to visit spectacular tourist places – Varzob valley, Romit and Gissar.

It should be noted that in May-June 2010, two groups of journalists from Europe and the US visited Tajikistan at the invitation of the Tajik Committee on Youth, Tourism and Sports. The main purpose of these visits is to attract investments for Tajikistan’s economy, and the tourism sector in particular.

Asia Plus

Schools have been closed for the summer holidays, but learning hasn’t stopped for many children in the eastern Tajik valley of Rasht, a picturesque and remote mountainous area once known as a bastion of the country’s Islamic opposition.

It seems to be a growing trend in the Rasht Valley that parents send their children to local mullahs to get what they consider basic religious education and ethics.

Such classes are not sanctioned and their curriculum is not checked or verified by education authorities.

According to children who attend these informal classes, mullahs teach them the Arabic alphabet and basic knowledge of Islam along with moral principles, such as respecting parents. Some mullahs even use Farsi-Tajik classic literature masterpieces, notably the medieval-period poets Saadi and Hafez’s works for teaching moral principles for children.
One Rasht parent, Hikoyat Dodarkhojaeva, says her two sons’ behavior has improved significantly since they started learning religious values and ethnics from their local mullah. They have become more obedient and respectful, the mother says proudly.

Parents in Rasht complain that public schools don’t teach children the moral codes, family values, and religious principles they reckon are «very important» for children’s upbringing.

Tajikistan has outlawed unsanctioned madrasahs along with unregistered mosques. Mullahs in Rasht, too, have been banned from running religious classes.

Rasht is considered to be one of the most religious and conservative areas in the predominantly Muslim country. It was a stronghold of the Islamic opposition forces that fought against President Emomali Rahmon’s secular government during the five-year civil war in the 1990s.

The government in Dushanbe has brought the valley under its full control but some small-scale skirmishes — linked to former opposition elements — still take place in the area from time to time.

It is a widespread belief that many local residents in Rasht still treat the central government with suspicion.

Rasht residents, however, do not link their children’s religious education classes to being conservative or overly religious.

And parents don’t call these de facto classes «schooling» or «madrasah.» For them it’s merely «spending a few hours with a respectful mullah to learn moral values.»

Farangis Najibullah, RFE/RL

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/Lessons_In_Morality_In_Eastern_Tajikistan_/2104200.html

Not a single Central Asian nation is among the ten of the happiest countries in the world.

Northern European countries — Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden — top Gallup’s World Poll (GWP) of the happiest countries.

According to the poll, Turkmenistan, which came in 18th place on the GWP list, is the happiest Central Asian nation. Surprisingly, it ranked above wealthier Western countries like Italy, Germany, and France.

Apparently happiness isn’t related to civil liberties.

GWP researchers say they «measured» people’s happiness by asking respondents in 155 countries to reflect on their overall satisfaction with their lives, and ranked their answers using a «life evaluation» score from 1 to 10. Respondents were also asked about their «daily experiences» — including whether they felt well-rested, respected, and free of pain and intellectually engaged.

Assessing the poll, Forbes.com writes that «by and large, rich countries are happier.» But if this is so, how to explain Kazakhstan — the richest country in Central Asia — being ranked 70th in the happy index, far below the poverty-stricken Malawi (63rd).

Uzbekistan, which is ranked 85th, could console itself with the fact that came in just a few places behind wealthy Japan (81st).

The poll found Tajikistan, which came in 130th, to be the least happy country in Central Asia, worse than even its war-torn neighbor, Afghanistan (115th). Just another reason to get depressed.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Not_A_Very_Happy_Place/2103150.html

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has said it would send a 52-member police force to southern Kyrgyzstan.

Herbert Salber, director of the OSCE Conflict Prevention Center, told reporters on July 16 the pan-European security bloc and Kyrgyzstan have agreed to dispatch the group to the regions of Osh and Jalal-Abad.

He was speaking during an informal meeting in Almaty, Kazakhstan, ahead of the July 17 meeting of foreign ministers from the 56-member OSCE.

The gathering in Almaty is focused on what is happening across the border in Kyrgyzstan, where violence erupted in the country’s south in June.

Salber said that the group would comprise «52 policemen representing the OSCE member states,» and an OSCE statement added that 50 more officers could later be sent. Salber gave no precise time frame for any possible mission, but the press release said the advisory group would spend four months in Kyrgyzstan.

The advisory group still requires unanimous approval, which could come when the ministers and other officials gather on July 17.

Bloody Ethnic Clashes

Clashes between ethnic Kyrgyz and ethnic Uzbeks in the Osh and Jalal-Abad regions left at least 309 dead and displaced another 400,000.

With Kyrgyz officials estimating that some 2,500 homes, more than 100 commercial buildings, and 10 government buildings were destroyed or suffered major damage during the unrest, the situation remains volatile.

Ahead of the meeting, two foreign ministers were visiting Osh, Kyrgyzstan’s second-largest city, to assess the situation for themselves.

German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle and his French counterpart Bernard Kouchner are flying into the city as part of a fact-finding tour that will also take them to Bishkek, where they will meet with President Roza Otunbaeva.

The OSCE meeting — taking place at the Ak-Bulak resort outside Almaty — comes amid a rising chorus of voices calling on the organization to take a more active role in helping stabilize the country.
The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly’s special envoy for Central Asia had urged the organization to send international police to Kyrgyzstan to provide technical advice to local security forces.

Kimmo Kiljunen told reporters last month that he thought the presence of international police advisers could «create an atmosphere of trust» that could help ease tensions. He added that he was recommending a force that would not include «peacekeepers in the military terms» but rather be «an international police operation to offer technical advice.»

Kiljunen also said EU foreign ministers have discussed the option of sending police to provide crisis-management support. However, the European Union itself has yet to indicate it has any plans to do so.

The Kyrgyz government has joined the call for an international police presence, with Otunbaeva saying hours before the gathering that such a mission is needed for maintaining security in Osh.

«These [international police] forces will work temporarily, within a limited period of four months here,» Otunbaeva said. «We are going to reconstruct the city [of Osh]. For instance, they are needed for maintaining security in the city of Osh. They will be unarmed.»

International Inquiry Needed

In addition to an international police force, there are also expectations that the OSCE will lead an international investigation into the June events.

Otunbaeva on July 16 agreed to a proposal that an international commission, to be headed by Kiljunen, be formed to look into the unrest. The commission would include representatives of the OSCE, EU, and the UN, and Otunbaeva said it should work closely with the Kyrgyz investigative commission.

During a joint news conference with Westerwelle in Osh, French Foreign Minister Kouchner said, «We would like to know who these groups are that provoked these incidents. These incidents and animosities go back a long way, but there were clearly provocations in this case and we want to know about them. So we support this proposal for an international investigative commission.»

Ole Solvang, a researcher for Human Rights Watch, told RFE/RL from Bishkek that the Kyrgyz government and the OSCE have discussed the subject in the run-up to the Almaty conference.

«We do know that there have been discussions going on, there have been discussions between the government and the OSCE about an international police force,» Solvang says,» and there have also been discussions between the Kyrgyz government and various actors about an international investigation and it is very much our hope that the OSCE meeting in Almaty this weekend will take that discussion forward.»

Security Questions

Human Rights Watch earlier this month issued a call for the OSCE to send police forces and open an international investigation. The group reported on July 14 widespread cases of torture and arbitrary detentions in southern Kyrgyzstan of Uzbeks suspected of participation in the June violence.

If the OSCE ministers and high representatives discuss the calls for a police mission and an international investigation, a major question would be how to balance the organization’s interests with those of the region’s own multinational security grouping, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).

The CSTO, which is led by Russia and includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, is already sending equipment and funds to Bishkek to bolster the capabilities of Kyrgyz security forces. The CSTO has so far resisted sending any international police forces, despite early calls from Bishkek to do so.

This weekend’s OSCE meeting is also expected to discuss topics ranging from European security to engagement with Afghanistan and possible topics for an OSCE summit.

Kazakhstan, which currently heads the OSCE, has said it hopes to host a formal summit of the organization this year. The group’s last major summit was in Istanbul in 1999.

Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/OSCE_Foreign_Ministers_Meet_In_Almaty_On_Kyrgyzstan/2101664.html

Imagine relatives of yours were killed by angry mobs. Your house set alight. Your livelihood wrecked overnight. Knowing that such atrocities took place in the city you called home, and possibly even committed by your neighbors, how could you ever expect to return to life as normal?

It’s a question that is surely being asked by thousands of displaced persons as they return home following the outbreak of bloody interethnic violence in southern Kyrgyzstan in June. As the government vows to rebuild the homes and communities of ethnic Uzbeks and ethnic Kyrgyz caught up in violence that left at least 275 dead and some 400,000 displaced, it must also find ways to reduce tensions and ensure they don’t erupt again in the future.

Millions Displaced

If the Kyrgyz interim government is looking for an immediate example of how to get the mending process going, it need not look any farther than its southern neighbor, Tajikistan. In 1997, following the end of a five-year civil war, Tajikistan faced a similar test. And while there have been many setbacks, 13 years later Tajikistan’s peace process has been widely hailed as a success.

It’s not a perfect comparison. The Tajik war did not rise from ethnic divisions such as those seen recently in Kyrgyzstan, for example — it was more a battle for political control fought between supporters of the Moscow-backed government in Dushanbe and its opposition led by the Islamic Revival Party (IRP). But the Tajik war did pit fellow civilians against each other — residents of the southern Kulob region, «Kulobis,» against those from the eastern Rasht Valley known as «Rashtis.»

In a conflict in which Kulobis were widely assumed to be government supporters, and Rashtis supporters of the opposition, at least 50,000 people were killed. Most of the victims were civilians, and 1.2 million — some 20 percent of the country’s population at the time — were forced to leave their homes during the 1992-97 armed conflict.

For Suliko Salimova, a 50-year-old from a small village in southern Tajikistan near the Kulob region, the civil war conjures up painful memories.

«I left my house with only the clothes I was wearing. When I came back, I learned that my husband had killed and my house was burned down. I was left with absolutely nothing,» Salimova says.

«When everybody else fled, my husband stayed behind. He said, ‘I don’t belong to any side of the conflict, why would they bother me?’ But he was the first one to be killed. We found his body in a nearby brook.»

Salimova lost four other relatives in addition to her husband, all targeted for being Rashtis. «My life will never be the same again after what I witnessed during civil war,» she laments.

Gulrukhsor Safarova, a native of the Kulob region, has similarly painful memories.

«I saw many bodies [of Kulobis] being brought for burial. When you see them first-hand, you can’t help hating those who did it. I didn’t know who had done it, all I knew was that somebody was killing Kulobis. I remember having some strange feelings inside me,» Safarova says.

Today the two women have each managed to achieve forgiveness, and even reside in the same district of Kumsangir, in the southern Khatlon Province.

Salimova says people need to reconcile, «no matter how painful it is,» in order to move on. Safarova, recalling that she was eyed with suspicion when she first moved to the area at the height of the civil war, is happy to see Rashtis and Kulobis socializing together once again.

Money And Time

Such results were not easy to achieve, and they did not come about by accident. It required cooperation between the Tajik government, the opposition, and international organizations. It took money. And it took time.

The process began with the signing of an internationally mediated peace accord between the government and the United Tajik Opposition in June 1997.

But «signing a peace accord by itself does not mean people immediately start trusting each other,» as Ibrohim Usmonov notes. «And you cannot give people an instruction to do so.»

Usmonov knows this first-hand. He was a prominent member of the key body established by the government and opposition to facilitate the road to peace and harmony — the National Reconciliation Commission.

Recalling the many obstacles faced, Usmonov says «the biggest challenge was rebuilding trust between the two sides.» And this, he says, «required concrete measures by government, political leaders, and international donors.»

Measures included aiding the return of refugees and the displaced, rebuilding their homes, restoring their businesses, and reinstating returnees to their previous jobs.

«There was a rehabilitation program for victims of the conflict, which included psychological and financial support for those who had lost their relatives and properties,» Usmonov says, noting that funding from international donors enabled Tajikistan to implement its peace program.

Usmonov points out that the government’s role is crucial for building trust among people. «People need to see for themselves that the peace process is working and the government’s promises are being carried out,» he says.

Kumsangir district provides proof that today enough trust has been established for people to resume their normal lives.

Suliko Salimova, whose husband was killed for being a Rashti, has moved to Kumsangir, remarried, and become a merchant.

Safarova, who moved to Kumsangir from Kulob, who has since got a job with the local government dealing with women and family issues. «A few marriages between Kulobis and Rashtis have taken place in our district in recent years,» Safarova says.

The two women admit there are times people snap at neighbors, blaming them for what has happened during the war. But as Salimova notes, «no one wants another war or conflict to grip our lives once again.»

Ultimately, the success in restoring peace and unity in Tajikistan derives from «ordinary people’s willpower and ability to forgive,» according to Hikmatulloh Saifullozoda, head of the Dushanbe-based think tank Dialog and member of the Islamic Renaissance Party who was active in the National Reconciliation Commission.

«People knew that revenge wasn’t a solution,» Saifullozoda says. «People knew revenge would bring more violence, more bloodshed, so they made the only right choice, and that choice was peace.»

RFE/RL’s Tajik Service correspondent in Khatlon Nosirjon Mamurzoda contributed to this report

Farangis Najibullah, RFE/RL

Источник: http://www.rferl.org/content/A_Tajik_Peace_Recipe_For_Kyrgyzstan/2096637.html

People in Turkmenistan — where all media is state-controlled — may soon be reading privately-owned newspapers and magazines.

In televised remarks during a cabinet meeting, President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov announced plans to allow the creation of private newspapers in the country.

«Proposals for the founding of private newspapers and magazines can be prepared and work on this matter can be accelerated,» Reuters quotes Berdymukhammedov as saying.

Berdymukhammedov also said the country’s union of industrialists and entrepreneurs should also launch its own publication focusing on business success stories.

«Likewise, if there are those who want to create new parties, we will support them too,» the president said, although he also noted that the establishment of political parties should not be rushed, AFP reports.

Turkmenistan is the only post-Soviet country without privately-owned media. The country’s five television channels, 25 newspapers, 15 magazines and one news agency are all state-owned.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Turkmenistan_Plans_To_Allow_PrivatelyOwned_Media/2096284.html